Rankin's Thursday Column - The Old Millennium
Keith Rankin's Thursday Column
The Old Millennium
30 December 1999
"The further backward you look,
the further forward you see."
Winston Churchill,
quoted by Queen Elizabeth, Christmas 1999
Much of
what passes for historical reflection in our media about the
millennium has really been about the century; and, at that,
mainly that part of the century most of us alive today
remember. (Talkback radio seems to be into 1960s' nostalgia;
nothing about Kupe, the Magna Carta, or the Opium Wars on
that medium!) That's a pity, even from a New Zealand point
of view, because New Zealand has been settled for 1000
years, give or take a decade or two. Thanks to James Belich
and others, we know that Maori society was transformed
mid-millennium as environmental feedback loops became
effective.
We could learn quite a bit about our future
just from reflecting on the unsustainable nature of Maori's
first few centuries, the pressures of zero-sum living
following the depletion of in particular the moa and the fur
seal, and about the ways societies in different modes
interact when they come in contact.
Before reflecting on
the global millennium, I would like to assert that this year
(1999) represents the simultaneous end of a decade, a
century and a millennium. Each deserves attention in its own
right; decade-time, century-time and millennial-time are
quite distinct.
By our contemporary conventions (and I
mean global Common Era [CE] conventions), the present decade
ends tomorrow. Ipso facto, the century and the millennium
also end tomorrow. The Treaty of Waitangi was signed in the
1840s, and its 160th anniversary is in the 2000s. (Should we
call the next decade "two-thousands" - my preference - or
the "twenty-hundreds"? I am sure we will call the following
decade the "twenty-tens".)
Millennial Time
The
global history of the last 1000 years has been far from a
linear pattern of economic progress. Nevertheless it has
been one of social and economic growth, which, to European
eyes, contrasts with the previous millennium which regressed
from classical glory to dark ages.
A millennial analysis
has, I suggest, five elements: a global trend, a pattern of
fluctuations or cycles, the emergence and decline of
particular "civilisations", the emergence and decline of
social and economic in-groups within civilisations, and a
comparative analysis with previous millennia. With respect
to the fifth-mentioned element, to understand the "second"
CE millennium, we need to understand as well as we can the
first CE millennium, and the first BCE millennium.
The
trend that has given us long-run and potentially sustainable
prosperity is capitalism. Capitalism is a product of the
medieval communes of Europe (the homes of the burghers and
burgesses who became the bourgeoisie). It is a product of a
European culture of individualism that emerged about 1000
years ago from the forests of Europe, boosted by East Asian
technological innovations, mathematical concepts and
monotheist religion arising from West Asia, and classical
European philosophy and medicine.
Under capitalism, the
trend has been unsustainable growth, much like the trend of
early Maori society. Yet that does not mean that capitalism
is not transforming itself into a sustainable form.
Certainly, it seems better able to produce sustainable
growth than say Marxian socialism, which failed to survive
for even a century.
Fluctuations can be exogenous (eg
climatic change) or endogenous (arising from
self-destabilising socio-economic systems).
A
Schumpetarian or neoschumpetarian perspective on economic
change links growth to endogenous cycles. Joseph Schumpeter
- an Austrian-American economist of the early 20th century -
is a name that will become more prominent as endogenous
growth theory develops. The key insight is that economic
cycles are an integral part of the long-run growth process,
and not simply the nuisance that neoclassical and Keynesian
economics assume them to be.
While Schumpeter himself
focussed on century and decade time in his analyses of
cycles and creativity, some economic historians (eg Rondo
Cameron and Joel Mokyr) whom he has inspired work in
millennial time.
Cameron writes of "logistics", 300-year
cycles that each include a period of rapid and progressive
economic change, and longer periods of relative stasis or
consolidation. They draw on biological literature - eg
concepts like Stephen Jay Gould's term "punctuated
equilibrium" - in which evolution takes part in
comparatively short bursts.
An alternative theory of
logistics (the Rankin version) goes like this: each century
since at least the 15th has seen economic change led by a
particular factor of production. Thus the 20th and 17th
centuries were centuries of Labour. Indeed Keynes fully
acknowledged the mercantilist economists of the 17th century
as precursors of his thought. The 19th and 16th centuries
were centuries of Capital; of industrial capital and of
expansionist European commerce. The 18th century was - and
not just in Europe - the century of Land; of the landlord,
and of the group of economists known as the "physiocrats".
The 15th century was, in Europe, the century of free and
prosperous peasant communities.
What's the betting that
the Land (read environment) and property rights will become
much more important than the labour market as capitalism
transforms itself once again? I am predicting that 21st
century economics will focus on public rather than private
property rights, just as the environment represents land in
its public form.
The concluding millennium also tells us
that climatic change is important within millennial time.
From c.1000CE to c.1300CE Europe was warmer than it is now,
with a benign climate and relatively few diseases. It was in
that environment that capitalism emerged. But it was in the
problem-ridden environment of the "little ice age" that
peaked in the 17th century (think of Brueghel's paintings)
that capitalism proved itself able to adapt, even
strengthen, under adverse exogenous conditions.
For an
economic historian such as Joel Mokyr, who specialises in
technological innovation, the last millennium is a full
expression of "Cardwell's Law"; that the "torch" of human
creativity passes, within millennial time, from one society
to another. As any successful society becomes conservative,
the conditions are created whereby that society unwittingly
passes the torch of economic leadership to another.
Thus,
for Mokyr, the 2nd CE millennium has been very much the
European millennium, with the torch passing between
different European societies.
Europe emerged from being a
global backwater in 1000CE to an ultra-imperial power for
500 years. The Chinese economic miracle of 1000-1450CE gave
way to a tide of sclerosis and decline.
Europeans and
Mongols wrested the initiative in Europe and Asia from Islam
and China. I remember in David Lean's cinema epic "Lawrence
of Arabia" a sheikh reminding Lawrence that, 1000 years
earlier, Islamic cities had streetlighting while Lawrence's
forebears lived in small impoverished villages. Outside of
Constantinople, in 1000CE, by far the largest city in Europe
was Cordoba, the Moorish capital, with half a million
people.
The present millennium has not just been a single
movement of an Asian-European see-saw. Given China's present
economic resurgence, China's millennial experience might be
best described as "Coming Full Circle", which indeed was the
title of a recent economic history of the Pacific
Basin.
Capitalism has enabled population growth to
accelerate for most of the millennium. Further it has
created the demographic transition, which means that
decelerating population growth is a feature of capitalism's
most advanced form to date; welfare capitalism. Ceteris
paribus, population growth causes inequality as workers
become abundant and land becomes scarce. The miracle of
capitalism is that its capacity for innovation has more than
offset accelerating population growth, to leave an overall
legacy of less inequality than any time in history
subsequent to the emergence of agriculture.
So how does
the last millennium compare with its predecessors? The first
CE millennium saw the fall and rise of both China and
Europe, with Europe's fall being much bigger than its rise
and China's rise being bigger than its fall. The big winner
of that millennium though was Arabia and Islam. By way of
contrast, the first BCE millennium saw the simultaneous rise
of many civilisations, with philosophical and religious
leaders emerging in China (Confucius), India (Bhudda) and
Greek Macedonia (Aristotle) at around about the same time.
And African civilisation became most visible to the rest of
the world through its Egyptian portal.
Future millennia
may see concerted global socio-economic development, or
mutual decline. The new millennium will almost certainly see
the relative decline of "Europe", of which America is of
course now the dominant part. This conclusion directly
contradicts the "end of history" thesis which suggests that
the big story of the millennium has been the establishment
of a permanent cultural hegemony of Western
Europe.
Finally, while on millennial time, the "coming
full circle" idea can be linked to the phenomenon of
globalisation. In medieval times there were interconnected
transnational communities of scholarship. In Europe, for
example, there was a Europe-wide scholastic language, Latin.
Ideas and inventions flowed into and through Europe as if
national borders did not exist.
Indeed national borders
did not exist as such. They only came with
"internationalisation" which is the carving up of the world
into the kind of nation states that emerged in western
Europe mid-millennium. So, in a sense, the globalisation of
the first half of the millennium gave way to the
internationalisation (on Europe's terms) of the second
semi-millennium. It is only now with the Internet - and with
HIV/AIDS and emerging post-antibiotic diseases - that we are
returning to a post-national borderless world of more local
differentiation (tribalism?) and a pervading sense of
insecurity. This "New Middle Ages theme was the subject of a
1994 BBC "The Late Show" television documentary.
Century Time
For me, the two biggest stories of the
century have been the growth of the world's food production
outstripping population growth, and the growth of democracy
is all its forms. Both developments, of course, may be
reversed next century.
100 years ago, the Malthusian
conundrum of feeding a growing population was the major
source of nervousness about the future in Great Britain. The
closer relationship between Britain and New Zealand (what
James Belich calls the "recolonisation" of New Zealand) was
an outcome of that fear, as was the strengthening of empire.
World War 2 in particular represents the final working out
of that fear, with Hitler seeking "living room" in Eastern
Europe, and Japan seeking a similar resource hegemony over
East and South-east Asia.
Now it's a 180 degree
turnaround. Assumptions that the terms of trade between
agriculture and manufactures would mean perpetually rising
agricultural prices (as was the case in Europe in the early
14th century and Britain in the late 18th century) to the
point that we now assume there is no profit in farming and
that there never will be anything but a glut of food on the
world market. A knowledge of the whole of the 20th century
suggests to us that food gluts are not the historical norm.
The knowledge economy will be a complement to rather than as
a replacement for New Zealand's agricultural economy.
Decade Time
The last decade of many centuries has
provided a window into the best part of the following
century. Hence, we should not eschew from reflecting on the
1990s in their own right.
The 1890s gave us moving
pictures, cars, bicycles, Hollerith punch cards, the
economics profession, the prerequisites of power flight,
and, if we include 1900, radio and Freudian psychoanalysis.
For New Zealand, the 1890s was that critical decade of
recolonisation, in which the new staples of sheepmeat and
dairy production (which totally dominated New Zealand's 20th
century economy) were established. The 1890s Lib-Lab
governments of Balance and Seddon converted a society based
on property into one that looked to the management of the
labour market as the focus of public policy.
The 1790s
gave us the French Revolution and the Industrial Revolution,
both critical indicators of the way the 19th century would
evolve.
The 1690s followed England's "Glorious
Revolution" of 1688. As well as making a financial
revolution possible, the system of agricultural property
rights was established that would lead to the full
commercialisation of agriculture, and the dominance of
financiers and landlords ("gentlemanly capitalists") as
economic historians Cain and Hopkins called England's
commercial establishment. This revolution also represents
the beginning of political and economic liberalism,
symbolised by the philosophy of John Locke, published in
1690.
The 1590s gave us Shakespeare and Galileo. The
1490s gave us Columbus and Vasco da Gama whose voyages gave
Europeans the knowledge to exert hegemony over the
planet.
The 1190s gave us Robin Hood. And the 790s gave
us the Carolingian renaissance which saw the modern
Christian calendar adopted in Western Europe.
Maybe Kupe
gave the news about the existence of Aotearoa in the
990s?
The 1990s and the Future
We can certainly
get a more balanced view of the possible directions the new
millennium will take by looking far back into millennial
time. At the same time, just focussing on the 1990s may tell
us most about which of those possibilities will predominate
in the coming century.
From the 1990s, I am predicting
that the Internet will prove to be like the car was in the
1890s and the radio in the 1920s. It will be ubiquitous next
century.
The 1990s has given us endogenous growth theory,
which will transform economics away from the equilibrium
model that has transfixed 20th century economics.
The
last decade has followed from the rapid destruction of
Marxist-Leninist "communism" as a viable economic and
political system. The story of the 1990s is not so much the
end of communism, but the forms of tribalism that have
emerged in its place, and in a number of other places such
as the Solomon Islands and Indonesia. The fracturing of
nations will be more a part of 21st century globalisation as
are the neoliberal internationalist endeavours of APEC and
the World Trade Organisation.
The last decade has seen
the explosive growth of biotechnology. Further, we are
already moving into a post-antibiotic era. Many of the 20th
century certainties that we adhered to in the 1980s have
gone.
The last decade of the 20th century has seen a
marked decline in male labour force participation. The
economic role of men is in the process of a radical
transformation that many policymakers have little inkling
of. A report in yesterday's NZ Herald - "Winz pushes for
tougher line on jobless over-55s - suggests that New
Zealand's 20th century public servants are in denial about
the changes in the labour market that affect, especially but
not only, older workers.
A knowledge of our past can
prepare us for our future. The twentieth century gives us
many interesting stories, some that have been lost in the
superficiality of the lists we have been making. (I have yet
to see John Maynard Keynes' name in any list of 20th century
greats.) Yet century-time falls between two stools. It is
millennial time that gives us perspective and context, while
decade time today gives us a reasonably clear window for
policymakers to focus through. If only they would look.
© 1999 Keith Rankin
Thursday Column Archive (1999):
http://pl.net/~keithr/thursday1999.html