Sludge Report #180: Terror Comes To Godzone
By Alastair Thompson For The Sludge Report
In This Edition:
Terror Comes To Godzone
Just The Facts: What We Know So Far (As
Opposed To What Has Been Speculated About)
Involvement Of Security Agencies Other Than The
Police - Domestic & International
The Reported Facts: What Has Been Speculated
Through The Media
The Legal
Peril Of Suppression In Political Cases - Both Of Names & Of
Evidence
Some Common Themes In
Media Coverage (And Why They Are Wrong-Headed)
Implications Of The Terrorist Camp Case For The
Media
Implications Of The
Terrorist Camp Case For Parliamentarians
Implications Of The Terrorist Camp Case For
Families & Friends Of The Accused
Implications Of The Terrorist Camp Case For
The New Zealand Police
Implications Of The Terrorist Camp Case For
Political Activism And The Public
Raybon Kan - Sunday Star Times Oct.
21 2007 Terror Comes To Godzone The
long Labour weekend in New Zealand is traditionally a time
for a spot of gardening and resting. However for at least 16
New Zealanders (locked up in prison) and their families and
friends, this Labour weekend has been nothing of the sort.
Rather it has been overwhelmed by a palpable sense of
fear. Fear of the organisation that is sworn to protect and
serve the people of New Zealand. Fear of the New Zealand
Police force. According to police spokespeople inquiries
in "Operation 8" - the multi-million dollar police operation
cracking down on alleged "Terrorist Training Camps" held in
the Urewera mountains - are continuing and more arrests are
possible. All around the country, activists, Maori and
Pakeha, anti-war and pro-environment, are wondering whether
they will be the next to get a loud knock on the door at
dawn. They have heard and read the stories from friends
of house searches conducted by armed police which can take
up to nine hours, during which people have been held captive
having to ask permission to go to the toilet. They also
know of people who have been questioned by police for hours
at a time - though not arrested - about comments recorded in
police communication intercepts. Some have been to court
to watch (or more accurately tried to watch - but been
prevented from doing do) their friends apply for bail, only
to discover that their friends have been: And meanwhile, though no official information
is forthcoming, they get to read and hear bizarre
allegations made in anonymously sourced stories in the media
alleging among other things: "Napalm Blasts" (TV3 -
Tuesday); "IRA Style Declarations Of War" (Dominion Post -
Wednesday); and "threats on the lives of Helen Clark, George
Bush and John Key" (Sunday Star Times - Sunday). All the
while in Parliament even their most stalwart supporters -
people they usually work with opposing the war in Iraq, in
favour of Maori land rights and against degradation of the
environment - are sitting on the fence, waiting until all
the facts are presented before taking a position. And
while on its face this wait-and-see approach seems a
reasonable position for a politician to take, in practice it
is one which may see friends left to rot in jail while the
evidence against them remains secret for weeks and possibly
months. When Maori Party MP Pita Sharples was roundly
criticised for the hyperbole of stating that race-relations
had been put back 100 years by Monday's raids he was
possibly overstating the case a little. However the
sentiment is not at all far from the truth. Especially among
the communities who have been targeted by police in the past
week. The great un-told story of these raids is that they
are not nearly as Maori Sovereignty focused as media reports
to date have suggested. While Maori Sovereignty is something
all the arrested have sympathies with, many of the activists
are far more active in the environment and peace arenas than
in the Tino Rangitiratanga movement. After the decisions
in the Auckland and Wellington District Courts on Friday to
deny bail to all accused - and to suppress all evidence -
veteran activist John Minto remarked to a Scoop reporter in
Auckland that the events of the day marked an historical
turning point for New Zealand. And so perhaps it is not so
great a leap to claim that the events of this week have put
back activist-police relations 26 years - back to the heated
days of the Springbok Tour of 1981. Matt McCarten - Herald On Sunday Oct 21,
2007 Just The Facts From the police press conference held
Monday we know that the police have been conducting a
surveillance operation using warrants obtained under the
Terrorist Suppression Act 2002 for at least 15 months
centered around the Ureweras and a group of activists
apparently led by flamboyant Maori activist Tame Iti. The
group has been conducting activist training activities -
Wananga - at bush camps in the Urewera mountains. The camps
are alleged by police to have included paramilitary
training, weapons training, ambush exercises and detonation
of napalm bombs. Activists spoken to by Scoop claim the
camps involved other more innocent activity like climbing
walls, issuing press releases and staging public protest
events. A participant in the camps interviewed on Campbell
Live agreed that there was military style training at the
camps but claimed it was purely for self defence. The police
claim that actual targets had been discussed by the
participants. We know also that Tame Iti advertised his
intention to hold training camps at public meetings around
New Year 2006-2007. Numerous people were invited to attend
them, and according to the police "10s of people"did attend
them. So far only some of these have been arrested. We
can assume therefore that there are other people remaining
at large who attended the camps but who have not been
arrested. On Monday 15 October police say they arrested 17
people in: Wellington (4); Auckland(6); Palmerston North(1);
Hamilton(1); and the Bay of Plenty(5). Numerous additional
search warrants were executed around the North Island on
Monday and in the several days following. Also on Monday
police sought to enter the house of members of anti-coal
mining activists in Christchurch - the Save Happy Valley
Coalition. In the absence of a search warrant they were
turned away. All of those arrested have been charged in
relation to one or more of the training camps in the
Ureweras. And all of them have so far been charged with
relatively minor offences under the Arms Act - collective
possession of a illegal weapon under section 45(1)b. The
current charges attract a maximum penalty of up to four
years in jail. The police told the court in Auckland on
Friday they are continuing to collect and collate evidence
for the purpose of deciding whether the accused should face
charges under the Terrorist Suppression Act (TSA). A
decision on whether to apply for leave to the Attorney
General to lay charges under the TSA may be taken later this
week. If charges are laid under the TSA the penalties
faced by the accused will increase to up to 10-14 years in
jail or even life imprisonment. The earliest of the
training camps that we know about (from the charges) was
held in November 2006. This tells us that the police
surveillance operation began substantially before the camps
- or at least the camps of interest in the police operation.
We also know thanks to the controversy of "Operation Leaf" - reported extensively by
the Sunday Star Times and Scoop in 2004 - that the idea
of running surveillance operations against Maori activists
and associated groups has been around for even
longer. Since the November 2006 camp charges laid against
the accused relate to camps held in January, April, June,
August and September. According to news reports another
camp was held on the weekend of 13-14 October just before
the arrests took place. Police have said that they decided
to act when they did because they believed there was a real
threat posed by the activities of the accused. However we
also know that the Prime Minister and leader of the National
Party were briefed in the week before the weekend of 13-14
October about the planned arrests and so it seems unlikely
that any events on the weekend actually triggered the
arrests. Few of the activists attended all of the camps
and some claim that they have not attended camps for several
months. We know from newspaper reports that there has
been police video surveillance of the bush camps. Some
people who have viewed this footage claim it is compelling
evidence, others are not so sure it makes the case claimed
by the crown. We also know there have been police
interceptions of audio and text based communications among a
fairly large number of people. One of the activists, Jamie
Lockett, has told the Herald on Sunday that the activists
deliberately made outlandish claims to each other because
they knew they were being surveilled and they wanted to set
up the police. In Auckland there are reports that
activists who have not been arrested (yet) have been
confronted by police holding wads of paper which purport to
be telephone intercepts. The cost of the surveillance
operation is reported in the media to be $8 million. The
activists who have been arrested in Auckland and Wellington
include a number of people who could be described as leaders
in a variety of protest movements, ranging from anti-war
groups to Palestinian support groups to Maori activism. The
police have said that the people arrested are the
ring-leaders among the people who attended the camps. The
people who have been arrested are people who in the past
have been involved in coordinating protest activity and
collectively they are connected to a very large portion of
the NZ political activist community. During the course of
the execution of search warrants around the country several
computers have been seized. These computers can be assumed
to contain emails and communications from a large
cross-section of the New Zealand public. Involvement Of
Security Agencies Other Than The Police - Domestic &
International According to National Party Leader John
Key he was briefed about "Operation 8" by the Security
Intelligence Service (SIS) as well as the police.
Yesterday - October 21st - the Sunday Star Times reported that when
the operation intercepted communications containing threats
against the life of United States President George Bush -
should he visit New Zealand - these threats were passed on
to the United States authorities. The paper
reported: … Security assessments
were reportedly under way, but by late June Clark was saying
a visit was unlikely. American Embassy spokeswoman Janine
Burns also declined to comment on whether any threat to Bush
was a factor in his decision not to come to New Zealand. "We
do not comment on security matters." We can
assume from this that the U.S. Secret Service - who are
responsible for Presidential security - have also been
informed of the New Zealand operation. Finlay MacDonald - Sunday
Star Times Oct. 21 2007 The Reported
Facts On Wednesday the Dominion Post
reported: Iti
christened the group "Rama", the Maori word for
enlightenment, and is alleged to have stated three months
ago that he had stopped all his other activities in order to
"make war on New Zealand". The source described the
movement as "comical" and "amateurish", with the group
purchasing military uniforms from an Auckland army surplus
store. Numbering about 20, the participants were
predominantly based in Auckland. Many were in their late
teens, the youngest a 15-year-old girl. During the
training camps members were required to wear balaclavas in
order to hide their identities from each other, and many of
their methods were based on a "green book IRA manual".
" On the same day a report by Hank Schouten
also in the Dominion Post reported that "Arsenal fits kidnap possibility". The
most lurid allegations however - as might be expected -
emerged in the Sunday Newspapers. According to the Sunday
News, "Top Maori Were Terror Targets". The
paper quoted an anonymous source saying: … snip… "Each different
splinter group was training under the one umbrella and they
were going to carry out attacks on targets and
infrastructure," said our source. "You would have had
Tuhoe carrying out attacks on their selected targets, animal
rights groups targeting their lot and the so-called `peace
freaks' carrying out their acts. "There were a number of
different groups at the table. They were going to wreak
havoc according to their own agendas. They were going after
a broad spectrum and broad range of targets. "There were
prominent Maori who they'd call Uncle Toms including heads
of government departments and those who'd used the system to
get ahead." The police source scoffed at claims the
raids, by about 300 officers, were racially motivated.
"Half those arrested are Pakeha," he said. Our source
said activist groups' terror-attack plans were firmly in
place. "They were pretty well advanced in what they were
planning to do," he said. And finally - also
quoting anonymous sources - the Sunday Star Times lead story
yesterday reported, BUSH, CLARK & KEY identified as possible
'targets': The Legal Peril Of Suppression In
Political Cases - Both Of Names & Of Evidence All of
which begs the question whose interests are served by
continued suppression of evidence, submissions and decisions
and reasons for decisions by judges in the District and High
Courts? Since the story broke we have been told repeatedly
by the great and the wise that it is responsible to suspend
judgment about the police case until it has been properly
presented. However there is an obvious problem with this
approach. On the one hand the actual evidence - which has
been seen by lawyers, the accused and a small number of
media in court (and presumably been briefed to some
politicians) - is all suppressed. On the other hand
numerous leakers have been feeding anonymous speculation
about the operation - mainly from a police perspective - to
the newspapers. This has led to a situation where
talk-back radio is being driven into the twilight zone by
understandably energetic imaginations of newspaper readers.
Newspaper and talk-back driven speculation is resulting
in anonymous demonisation of the accused. And this problem
is further compounded by the name suppression attached to
most of the accused who, without names, can be easily
accused of all manner of dreadful schemes. But when name
suppression is eventually lifted the public will see these
would have to be among the most unlikely bunch of assassins
and terror plotters imaginable. All this begs the question
when is the suppression of evidence and information around
this case likely to end? And the answer to that question
is no time soon. For starters there are legal questions
around the admissibility of evidence collected under
Terrorist Suppression Act warrants for criminal proceedings.
Until a decision is made on whether charges are laid under
the Terrorist Suppression Act suppression of evidence is
therefore likely to be maintained. Secondly if Terrorist
Suppression Act charges are laid then it seems likely that
the novel jurisdiction of that Act - never used before in NZ
- will lead to numerous legal procedural arguments about
both admissibility and disclosure similar in nature to the
protracted legal positioning that surrounded the Ahmed Zaoui
case. If TSA cases do eventually go to court then
evidence will hopefully be presented in open court, however
some legal observers think that the path to trial could take
months and possibly years. Michael Laws - Sunday Star Times Oct. 21
2007 Some Common Themes In Media Coverage
(And Why They Are Wrong-Headed) …if the
Government intervenes in police operational matters then we
really will have a Police State… This is a
suggestion that has been made repeatedly by the Minister of
Police Annette King and Attorney General Michael Cullen when
asked about this affair this week. It is however a very
simplistic and somewhat inaccurate description of the
relationship between the police and the executive branch of
the Government. Firstly in relation to the police it is
worth observing that the office of the Minister of Police
has an oversight relationship over Police operations. While
it does not and should not interfere with operational
matters it can and does advise the police on policy. In
this case issues such as whether warrants under the
Terrorist Suppression Act should have been used against
domestic activists is a legitimate policy issue for the
Minister to concern herself with. This is especially the
case since when the Act was passed in 2002 this very fear
was articulated and the government gave assurances that it
would not be used in this way. In addition the Minister of
Police can and does accept complaints against the police.
This is an additional complaint mechanism to that provided
by the Police Complaints Authority, and is one which the
activist community should consider using. Complaints made
to the Minister of Police about police conduct are - like
all Ministerial complaints - passed from the Minister to the
police to be answered. Should the Minister receive a large
number of complaints then she might legitimately request an
explanation from the Police as to what it is up to and why
there are so many complaints. Secondly the legal position
of the Attorney General Michael Cullen in this legal process
is even more involved. Under the Terrorist Suppression Act
Dr Cullen's leave will be required for charges to be laid
against the accused. In making his decision Dr Cullen will
be advised by the Solicitor General David Collins. However
such ministerial discretions are not expected to be
exercised in an automaton like fashion. Dr Cullen is
required to make an informed decision and he is not bound to
follow the advice of his Solicitor General although it ought
to be very persuasive. He is entitled to ask further
questions about the case and to request additional evidence
- if he wishes to do so - before he decides to grant or
refuse leave for the charges to be laid. Importantly he
does not as a matter of law have to follow the advice of the
Solicitor General in this matter. ... the Police
must have had a good case otherwise why would they risk so
much by proceeding in the way they have… This
argument is one that is made commonly on talk-back radio as
well as by political and media commentators and it is a
superficially attractive argument. Police Commissioner
Howard Broad is said to be a liberal-minded chap who must
have been acting on a pile of very compelling evidence to
have allowed this operation to proceed. On its face this
argument would hold a great deal more water if it were not
for what this writer knows about who has been arrested and
the extent of the case against these people that has been
presented to court (and suppressed) so far. In the
circumstances this argument does beg numerous questions on
what the Police are seeking to achieve in taking the action
they are in the midst of. Dr Rawiri Taonui - Sunday Star
Times Oct. 21 2007 Implications Of The
Terrorist Camp Case For The Media To date media
coverage of this issue has been a somewhat schizophrenic
affair. On the one hand the allure of the exciting headline
"Bush Targeted" "IRA Style War Declared" is too great and
too good for ratings to be allowed to pass (all credit to
the Herald on Sunday for not playing this game
yesterday). On the other hand most of the media are aware
of the relatively harmless nature of most of the accused in
this case and are also justifiably concerned about the
impact of it on both race relations and civil and political
rights. As time passes the initial excitement of the case
is likely to diminish a little. When that happens it would
be extremely positive for democracy, the rule of law, and
talk-back radio sanity if a more tempered approach could be
taken to headline based stories and anonymous sources. Fran O'Sullivan - NZ Herald Saturday Oct. 20
2007 Implications Of The Terrorist Camp
Case For Parliamentarians Politicians of all stripes
need to realise that they cannot sit on the fence and wait
for the police case to be revealed in court before they are
able to usefully contribute to the debate around this case.
As indicated above, revelation of the police case against
these alleged terrorists is unlikely to happen in court for
weeks, possibly months and maybe years. In the meantime the
political damage being done to race-relations, freedom of
expression, and the police's relationship with the political
activist community is acute and immediate. Should the
accused remain in custody - and it seems likely that some of
them will if Terrorist Suppression Act harges are
forthcoming - then this case will become even more of a
cause celebre than the case of Ahmed Zaoui has been. In
an election year an ongoing terrorist case with these
characteristics would be likely to become a very hot
election issue. At first blush the beneficiaries of the case
would be the Maori Party and the Green Party. All of
which puts politicians in a difficult position. An
alternative to simply breathing through the nose and waiting
would be to survey the evidence that is in the public domain
already, talk to family members and lawyers of the accused
(and those caught up in the police raids) and then attempt
to come to a position on the wisdom of allowing this case to
continue. There is a brief window of opportunity in the
next few weeks - before charges under the TSA are decided
upon - during which political influence over the course of
this case will be possible. After charges are laid under
the Terrorist Suppression Act the course of events will
likely be dictated by the courts alone, and as everybody has
learned through the case of Ahmed Zaoui, that can be a very
frustrating process. Implications Of The Terrorist Camp Case
For Families & Friends Of The Accused The situation is
presently very grave. While it seems possible that for some
bail will be forthcoming over the coming month, for others
it may not be. From a policing perspective it will be
difficult to reconcile the granting of bail to people who
are considered so dangerous that they warrant potential 14
year or life sentences for their actions. Families and
friends of the accused will have observed the situation is
somewhat surreal at present, especially when it comes to the
nature of the allegations being made in some of the
media. If evidence remains suppressed - as it most
probably will - then in the absence of an organised effort
to put the other side of the story - to tell people who the
accused really are - public ignorance about the real nature
of the evidence and the accused is likely to compound. In
this environment the name suppression of your friend,
sibling or child is possibly the biggest obstacle to
securing their release. Over the past few days there have
been numerous profiles and human interest stories about Tame
Iti. In the Sunday News his wife is quoted as calling him a
cuddly bear and not a terrorist. If name suppression is
lifted then the character of your friend, sibling or child
will be able to be examined in the media. It is in their
interests for this to happen and it will empower the
sympathetic voices in Parliament to speak in their defence
where it counts. Implications Of The Terrorist Camp Case
For The New Zealand Police Notwithstanding Police
Association President Greg O'Connor's widely reported
remarks about this case, the public perception of the NZ
Police force is likely to by hugely damaged by this case in
a manner not seen since the days of the Red Squad circa
1981. And on that point it is worth noting that Ross
Meurant who led the Red Squad back in 1981 was extremely
quick to warn about the excesses evident in the current
operation. Sooner or later it will become apparent to the
public that the people arrested in these raids are not
remotely capable or indeed inclined to shoot George Bush,
Helen Clark or "Uncle Tom". Meanwhile New Zealander's
sense of fair play and privacy is also likely to be grossly
offended by the widespread use of telephone and text
interception warrants against political activists. Pam Corkery - - Sunday News Oct. 21
2007 Implications Of The Terrorist Camp
Case For Political Activism And The Public Political
activists spoken to by Scoop over the past week are feeling
besieged, afraid and more than a little disoriented.
Meanwhile with several of their leadership in jail it is
proving hard to respond in an effective fashion. In all
too many ways the events of the past week have illustrated
how necessary it is for a society to have groups of people
actively expressing skepticism about misuse of power by the
security structures of the state. It appears that concerns
raised about misuse of the Terrorist Suppression Act when it
was passed in the heat of post 9/11 fear and loathing were
well founded. In coming weeks it is vital that activists
learn to work effectively with both the media and with the
sympathetic voices in Parliament. In doing so there is
strength in transparency. Whereas secrecy and suppression
engender fear, an approach of openness with the public may
result in sympathy and understanding. There is a window of
opportunity in the next two or three weeks which needs to be
taken advantage of. Before the Attorney General decides
whether to grant leave for charges under the Terrorist
Suppression Act the public need to be assisted to understand
as best they can what actually happened in the Ureweras over
the past year. At this point it is hard to imagine how the
truth could be any more damaging that what has to date made
it into the
newspapers. Anti©opyright
2007 **** ENDS
****"But what the raids tell me is
this: If you give police a power, they will use it.
Especially if you give a law a sexy name like the Terrorism
Suppression Act. The police will look inside and find it
encompasses a huge range of nonconformist behaviour just
asking to be suppressed. And the public will give it much
more cred than if it was called the Disagreeing With The
Government Act."
- denied bail
(even though many have no criminal history, and on the face
of things pose no threat to anyone.);
- had all evidence
against them suppressed so that their friends do not even
know what they are accused of doing;
- had their cases
transferred to Auckland (where they will be unable to visit
them in prison and where access to legal counsel will be
difficult);"Our secret police and
political establishment must be wetting themselves with
excitement at finally capturing "real terrorists". The only
problem is that New Zealand is such a small country,
everybody knows everybody else. Do people really think Tame
Iti is New Zealand's Osama Bin Laden? What a
joke."
What We
Know So Far (As Opposed To What Has Been Speculated
About)" Intelligence staff in Wellington
informed their American counterparts of the recorded threat
against Bush and an intelligence source told the Star-Times
the Americans agreed to leave New Zealand police to handle
any investigation. Bush and his wife Laura were tipped to
make a half-day visit to New Zealand at the end of the Apec
summit in Sydney in September.
"On the global front, the
so-called 'war on terror' has been horribly mishandled and
used as a pretext for foreign invasion and illegal domestic
surveillance. Here, our intelligence services have been
discredited by the Zaoui fiasco, and the police damaged by
internal corruption and incompetence. Trust is not something
they can take for granted."
What Has Been Speculated Through The
Media" A source close to The Dominion
Post said the documents disclosed by police to legal parties
for the accused showed police had been monitoring Iti's
movements for 18 months, videoing and photographing his
Urewera commando training camps and intercepting text
messages sent by Iti to his co-conspirators.
"If
this got off the ground, it would have been a multi-pronged
campaign launched simultaneously against a number of
individuals and targets. It would have been crippling,?" the
source revealed.
"As protesters in Auckland,
Christchurch and Dunedin yesterday rallied against the
detention of suspects arrested in connection with alleged
weapons training camps, the Sunday Star-Times has learned
police alerted the US after recording threats against
President George Bush who was tipped to visit here last
month."
"I have a cure for homegrown
terrorism. Love. Most of these people are marginalised
because no one loves them. If they lived fulfilling
emotional lives then any desire to anarchy would be atomised
by the contrary motivation. Nothing satiates silliness quite
like sex."
"Silly myths about hardline
Maori preparing revolution in hangi pits have come and gone
over the years. All hunting fraternities have a few
hare-brained but harmless military fantasists. The two may
come together here."
"Clark and her co-protestors
like Phil Goff might care to pay a trip down memory lane as
they consider where to go after this truly frightening
week."
"I want answers and I want
them bloody soon because all citizens' rights are now under
threat."