Mixed Ownership Model Bill – Green Party Minority Report
Mixed Ownership Model Bill –
Green Party Minority Report
Introduction
The Green
Party is opposed to the Mixed Ownership Model Bill and
recommends the Bill does not proceed.
Our opposition
to the Bill is based on:
- The Government accounts
being permanently worse off as a result of the mixed
ownership model
- Flaws in the Government’s
arguments in favour of the mixed ownership model
-
Negative impact on New Zealand’s external debt situation
as a result of the mixed ownership model
-
Reduction in Government income as a result of the mixed
ownership model
- Higher power prices as a result
of the mixed ownership model
- Mixed ownership
model limits the ability to invest in renewables
This
report also sets out what we see as the alternatives to the
mixed ownership model.
Government accounts
permanently worse off
BERL research,
commissioned by the Green Party, shows that a programme of
asset sales to finance the construction of new assets leaves
the Government accounts permanently worse off (compared to
the baseline) in terms of Government debt, debt ratio, net
worth and total assets.
In the short term the option of selling investment assets to fund the construction of new assets leaves the Government’s accounts in a worse situation compared to the baseline.
- The
annual deficit increases as a result of the loss of dividend
revenue, with no compensating decrease in spending.
-
Assuming that the increased deficit is funded out of ‘cash
reserves’, total assets decline. This leads to a
deterioration in net worth.
- Debt remains the
same, but the debt ratio increases as a result of the
decline in total assets.
In the long term the
annual deficit returns to baseline, but net worth, total
assets and debt ratio are worse than baseline. The
short-term impact on the financial surplus is not recouped
in subsequent periods, leaving this permanent impact on net
worth and total assets.
Flaws in Government arguments in favour
of mixed ownership model
We asked BERL to
examine the various arguments the Government has put forward
for the asset sale programme.
BERL determined that while each of the arguments had some merit they did not rely on the adoption of the Mixed Ownership Bill.
Improvement in the pool of investments
available to New Zealand investors
Households (colloquially termed ‘mom and
pop investors’) could be attracted to direct investment
opportunities in government bonds or the SOEs issuing bonds.
These investment vehicles could be in the guise of
infrastructure or national development bonds directly
targeted at the retail investor. Therefore domestic
investment options could be made available that do not rely
on selling the assets.
Allowing mixed
ownership companies access to capital to grow
The objective of allowing mixed ownership
companies access to capital to grow without depending
entirely on the Government need not require a partial sale
of equity. To access capital, mixed ownership companies need
to attract funds from the private sector. This can be done,
subject to the maintenance of a prudent debt-to-equity
ratio, without the reduction in an existing owner’s equity
stake. Accessing funds to finance growth, through the use of
debt instruments, is standard practice in the business
sector.
Allowing for the external
oversight of companies
This objective could
be achieved through alternative means such as the
appointment of independent directors, directors/Boards
reporting to a Parliamentary committee (as opposed to
Ministers), or the setting of clearer, transparent
directions from shareholder Ministers as to market-related
objectives. This objective does seem in contradiction to the
stated expectation of a gain on sale of these assets (as
forecast in the 2012 Budget Policy Statement). Were these
companies’ performances below par and in need of sharper
discipline, such a gain on sale would seem unlikely.
Negative impact on New
Zealand’s external debt situation
As noted in
the 2010 Budget, “New Zealand’s largest single
vulnerability is now its large and growing net external
liabilities. New Zealand now owes the world $168bn, or
around 90% of (annual) GDP.”
The BERL report stresses the difference between the Government’s debt and the external debt in any discussion in regards to the Government’s financial situation being used as justification for a programme of partial asset sales.
While the Government has stated that New Zealanders will be at the front of the queue to purchase the investment assets being sold, some assets may be sold to overseas investors. Consequently, the portion of company earnings (dividends and profits) that relate to overseas investors will be an outflow (or payment) on the external accounts. This would ultimately represent, and assuming all else unchanged, a permanent deterioration in the external deficit and the level of external debt.
Further, while the
initial offering may be directed towards domestic
purchasers, future private share transactions could increase
the portion of shares (and earnings) in overseas investors
hands. Such an outcome would lead to a further deterioration
in the external deficit and external debt position.
Reduction in Government
income
By the Government's own estimate, it
would lose $360 million a year in profits from asset sales -
$200 million in dividends and $160 million in retained
profits. That is a low estimate, based on the average
dividend return of $258 million in the past 6 years from the
assets the Government intends to sell. Even accepting the
Government's estimates on sales revenue, the reduced
interest on debt is only $266 million a year. That means,
the Government would lose $94 million net each year from
selling the assets.
That money has to come from somewhere. It could come from higher taxes. It could come from cuts to public services. Or, most likely, it would come from more borrowing. The Government would get a one off boost from selling the assets but that loss of dividends, made up for with borrowing, would mount year after year forever, long after the sales proceeds were gone.
On top of those dividends, the government makes a gain when the value of the companies increases (equity gain). That isn't money in the bank, like dividends, but it is an asset that gives the government's debtors more confidence and makes it less likely that we will get another credit downgrade.
The four energy companies had an average return on investment of 18.5% per annum over the last five years, including both equity gain and dividends. This is more than four times higher than the Government's cost of borrowing at 4%.
Higher power prices as a result of the mixed ownership model
On average, privately-owned electricity companies charge 12% more for electricity than publicly-owned ones. Privately-owned electricity companies have complained to publicly-owned ones that they are not charging enough for the privately-owned companies to make a profit and the CEO of Contact Energy has said that electricity prices need to rise for private investors to make a profit.
Publicly-owned power companies can make a profit for the government while charging less than privately-owned electricity companies because the government's cost of borrowing is only 4% whereas a private investors cost of borrowing is around 8%. That means that to cover its interest costs the government just needs a dividend of over 4% but a private investor needs twice that much.
If the assets are sold to
private, often overseas, buyers it is likely they would
demand higher prices. The boards of companies would be
legally required to act in the best interests of the
shareholders, and their rights to a higher profit would have
to be respected. To make higher profits, they would charge
higher electricity prices.
Mixed ownership model limits the
ability to invest in renewables
In a world that
is carbon constrained and economically volatile now is not
the time for New Zealand to sell off our highly successful,
resilient renewable energy powerbase. These are publicly
owned entities that have been grown and owned by New
Zealanders who have spent years nurturing and developing the
expertise that could be the cornerstone of a cleaner,
smarter, robust economy.
The Government is selling
our best opportunity to become large-scale exporters of
renewable energy technology. Private sector imperatives will
likely delay and deter the switch to increased renewable
use, which could further affect New Zealand's chance of
becoming a cutting edge developer and exporter of renewable
technologies. Prized energy assets like Manapouri power
station could also be sold off under the legislation into
full
foreign ownership and control.
There are
huge risks in further binding our economic and energy
fortunes to the whims and profit margins of overseas
investors. It could mean that we will lose the power to
direct these energy companies towards cleaner energy
technologies and to make decisions that will determine our
country's overall energy strategy and mix. With the right
vision and political will, we can keep their renewable
energy know-how and innovation in New Zealand, capitalising
on the potential to create thousands of green, highly paid
jobs; insulate our economy from the volatile fossil fuel
markets; and build a more sustainable future for our
country.
Alternative
Solutions
Returning to monopoly public ownership
of the main generating capacity
This could be
done under tight oversight and control to ensure efficiency,
give it a responsibility for energy conservation as much as
new generating capacity, require it to charge average costs
or below for a base usage allocation for households, and
require a proportion of small-scale sustainable generation
such as from wind and tidal sources which could come from
independent providers.
Feed-in tariffs for firms and
households producing their own electricity from small-scale
renewable generation should also be part of the mix. The
monopoly public generator could also act as default retailer
to ensure there are reasonably priced services for low
income and other households which may be considered
undesirable to for-profit retailers.
More energy-efficient power
production
New generating capacity should be
required to be increasingly renewable, and the need for new
capacity should be as far as possible replaced by
conservation measures. New advances in technology can save
hugely in power costs using smaller and more efficient and
decentralised power plants which are also more resilient to
natural disasters such as earthquakes.
This seems
unlikely to happen with the only incentives being a weak ETS
scheme which pushes up power prices and creates an incentive
for companies to charge more not save more. Regulation is
required to force companies to explore other options which
will save the country drastically in the long
run.
Investment in Green
Technology and Jobs
The Green Party and many
environmental NGOs have strongly advocated for an
alternative vision that creates decent jobs, adds resilience
to our economy, and protects our natural environment. By
retaining ownership in our energy companies, we could focus
their profits and research and development investment on
renewable energy opportunities.
The global
renewable energy sector is growing rapidly into a market
worth up to $800 billion by 2015. These power companies have
the expertise and the capital to take advantage of this
growing industry and create tens of thousands of jobs here
in New Zealand. Privatisation will end that opportunity to
create investment and employment opportunities in the clean
energy revolution.
National energy
strategy
The development of a comprehensive
national environmental strategy around power generation is
necessary to deliver a positive environmental future. A
move to privatise the four energy companies will compromise
New Zealand's ability to implement such a strategy in order
to give our children the environmental future they deserve.
The SOE Act provides a ready-made vehicle for the Government to roll out renewable energy and energy efficiency solutions that may not be commercially viable for a profit-driven energy company but may deliver net benefits for the country as a whole. Possible examples include smart meters, electric vehicles and infrastructure, small-scale renewable generation, and bioenergy.
Authorised by Dr Russel Norman, MP, Parliament Buildings, Wellington