AHRC: Burma Using Torture in Criminal Cases
Much of the human rights advocacy concerning the use of torture in Burma is centred on cases of political detainees. These cases rightly deserve close attention and study. However, the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) is aware that most victims of torture in Burma are not political prisoners but, as in other parts of Asia, poor citizens accused of ordinary criminal offences. The perpetrators do not discriminate. Victims range from teenage girls to the elderly.
Recently the AHRC obtained the details of a
case of two young male victims who were tortured at a police
station in an urban area during September 2009, over an
alleged robbery. For reasons of their security, it cannot
divulge the facts of this case, including the name of the
police station and the officers involved. In this extract of
their account, all identifying details have been omitted,
but the allegations of torture are as they made them.
According to the first:
"I was interrogated by eight
police for three days. They said to give back what I had
robbed. They covered my face with a sarong and then four or
five of them assaulted me. They hit me on the cheeks and
punched me in the face. They hit me with batons over a
hundred times on my ankles, finger and elbow joints,
shoulder blades and head. They made me stand on my tip-toes
then put something with sharp points under my feet and made
me hold a pose like I was riding a motorcycle, for about two
hours. They prodded my back with a baton. During this time
they were drunk.”
He added that his wife paid a
total of the equivalent of around USD100, which is the
equivalent of more than a couple of month's wages for poor
people in Burma, to police so that they would not torture
him. His companion also said that, "I was detained and
interrogated for two days. While interrogating me they hit
my cheeks and pressed a piece of bamboo on my shins and ran
it up and down. They kept my wristwatch."
**From the
above allegations, we can make out the following.**
First, the techniques used are advanced methods of
routine torturers. They are the types commonly associated
with military intelligence officers or with troops in
outlying areas. The motorcycle and rolling bamboo are
particularly familiar methods in the documentation in those
categories of cases. However, the torturers in this case
were police in an ordinary suburban station. Thus the
methods of torture ordinarily associated with cases of
political prisoners or alleged insurgents are actually in
the entire system.
Second, the torture victims are,
as noted above, typical of the overwhelming majority of
victims throughout Asia: poor people accused of ordinary
crimes, for which the purpose of the torture is both to
extract confessions and/or to obtain money. In this case,
the accused were freed after some payments. However, there
is no guarantee that they will remain this way. Once they
have gone through this type of experience once, it can
happen again at any time. In fact, one of them had already
been interrogated over the same alleged crime, and both have
expressed fear that they might be picked up again any day.
Neither of them was taken before a judge, even though this
should have happened within 24 hours of arrest.
Third, the victims claim that they were innocent and
that the police know this but they tortured them anyway to
conduct a fake investigation as a favour to a local
businessperson. This too is a common feature of torture
throughout Asia. It is also likely that the police have
interrogated, tortured and taken money from other young poor
men in the vicinity over the crime for which these two were
also accused. One case like this can be very profitable for
police. It is common to hear reports of dozens or even
hundreds of people rounded up from an area in a general
attempt to find some people on which to pin blame and make
money at the same time.
The distinctive problem for
these victims of torture, then, is not that they were
tortured over an ordinary crime in an ordinary police
station. This, as noted, is an experience they have in
common with victims in India, Thailand, Sri Lanka, the
Philippines, Bangladesh and Pakistan, among others. Rather,
it is that there is nothing that they can do about it. In
those other countries, the obstacles to bringing complaints
of torture against the police are enormous, and the risks
immense. But in them there at least exist courts that are in
some way separate from the administration, rights groups and
lawyers who can work on the cases with some effect and media
that can report and publicise to generate public opinion.
By contrast, in Burma the only thing that the victims
can really do is to lodge a complaint with high-up
authorities in the police and ministries and hope that
someone will believe them and take sympathy. If they try to
lodge a complaint in the courts, not only will they risk
police reprisals, against which they will have no
protection--since there are no groups in the country who can
hide them and no media that can report on the case to assist
with their safety through some publicity--but they are
unlikely to get any help from the courts either. In a 1991
case of alleged police torture the Supreme Court already
made clear that unless persons alleging torture have firm
physical evidence--which the methods of torture used are
designed to conceal--then they need not waste their time
complaining to the judiciary.
Even if the victims are
lucky enough to get a sympathetic judge, it may make no
difference. The courts in Myanmar have no effective
authority over other parts of government and are used as an
arm of the executive to obtain what it wants. They are not
supposed to hit back. Unless an army general or someone else
in a position of real importance is supporting a court
order, the police can easily ignore it or get around it.
Since in this case the allegations are against police
officers, the police would use many methods to prevent them
from being successful, or if in the extremely unlikely event
that the court actually made an order against the police,
could see that the officers concerned escape punishment by
absconding and changing their identities, which has been
done in the past.
Therefore, persons and groups
concerned with torture in Burma should be concerned not only
with its simple documentation, or with torture in only
certain types of cases, but should be concerned above all to
expose the absence of institutions and measures to do
anything about torture, specifically, the lack of an
independent judiciary and also the lack of an open media in
which cases can be publicized.
The Asian Human Rights
Commission also notes that the 2008 Constitution, which will
not come into effect until after elections are held for
semi-elected parliaments, does not prohibit torture, and
that Burma has not joined the UN Convention against Torture.
The AHRC urges all groups and persons concerned with human
rights in Burma to actively campaign for the country to join
the UN Convention against Torture and to include an express
provision to prohibit the use of torture into the
constitution, so that at least some minimum standards can be
established upon which to begin the real work of addressing
its routine use in police stations, council offices, army
camps and other government facilities around the
country.
ENDS