On The Nation: Business Panel
On The Nation: Business Panel
Headlines:
Business groups won’t be feeling too impatient about getting a government, according to Kim Campbell from the Northern Employers and Manufacturers Association, Abbie Reynolds from the Sustainable Business Council and Bill Rosenberg from the CTU. Campbell and Rosenberg say it could become a concern if negotiations dragged on until Christmas.
Campbell says Winston Peters will have to soften his stance on immigration in coalition negotiations.
Both the EMA and the
Sustainable Business Council support national groups outside
of government having responsibility for long-term issues
such as infrastructure and climate change.Rosenberg says
he’d be concerned if such groups were used to increase the
use of Public Private Partnerships.
Lisa Owen: Winston
Peters has begun negotiations with both Labour and National
about forming the next government, but we’ll have to wait
a few more days at the very least to know which way
they’ll go. The only thing we do know is that his party,
New Zealand First, will be involved in some form. So what
will that mean for the economy? Well, joining me now are Kim
Campbell from the Northern Employers and Manufacturers
Association, Abbie Reynolds from the Sustainable Business
Council, and Bill Rosenberg from the Council of Trade
Unions. Good morning to you all. Abbie Reynolds, if I can
come to you first. Everyone seems to agree that strong,
stable government is important, but is it also important to
get a government in place in a timely fashion?
Abbie
Reynolds: Look, I think when I’m thinking about what my
members are saying to me about what their priorities are,
they’re really focused on things which are very long-term.
So I think this interregnum is, you know, inconvenient, but
mostly where they are is we need these long-term strategies
around the things that matter to us – climate change and
making sure no New Zealander is left behind.
So they’re
happy to wait.
Reynolds: Well, I don’t know that
they’re happy to wait. They’re getting on with things,
but the stuff we’re thinking about is really long-term, so
what we want is really well thought through policy. Yes,
there’s a sense of urgency, but hurrying these
conversations isn’t something that we can do.
Kim
Campbell, how long before business gets a bit
spooked?
Kim Campbell: Well, you’ve got to look at the
planning arises, as Abbie says. If somebody’s planning a
large investment over a long period, a couple of months is
neither here nor there. In the short-term, some people are
holding on maybe buying a house or car or going on holiday,
and that’s always going to happen. But look at overseas.
United States, we have an approximation of a presidency; the
country just does very well. Some countries, it takes
months. Germany, I know, is going to take four or five
months, and the country goes on fine. I think we’ve got to
remind ourselves that we’ve got such strong institutions
here. The things that go on in New Zealand keep going on. So
I’m quite happy for them to take their time and get it
right. But if it was Christmas, I think we’d be
worried.
Bill Rosenberg, how long before you’d get
worried?
Bill Rosenberg: If it took six months, people
might start getting worried. But I think I agree with what
Kim and Abbie have said – that, actually, there are urgent
things to get on with, but as much as we need to have a
government that’s equipped to take those long-term views,
that we rush the whole business. If anything urgent comes up
in the interregnum, then the caretaker government can get
together with the opposition and say, ‘Look, hey, we
actually have to make these decisions. Let’s do it.’ But
really the things that are urgent are the things that the
outgoing government has left behind, and it’s been working
on the principal ‘don’t do today what you can put off
until tomorrow.’ And we have all these hugs issues that
the next government will have to face – housing and health
funding, social welfare and so on.
OK. Well, let’s look
at some possibilities here, because the one thing that we do
know, the one thing that is certain, is that Winston Peters
and New Zealand First are going to be involved in this new
government. So what is the best thing, Kim, that that party
and he could do for the economy?
Campbell: Well, the best
thing they can do is find places to compromise, because if a
business looks at all the parties, if we could cherry-pick,
they’ve all got some policies we like, and both parties,
both Winston and National’s, have to curb their most
extreme instincts or they’re just not going to find a
common ground. Winston tends to be rather more
interventionist. He has a very conservative social agenda.
And so the combination is what counts.
Do you see a
policy–? You say they’ve all got policies that you can
identify that you’d liked. So if you looked at Winston
Peters’ arsenal, can you pick one from there that you
think would be a good one?
Campbell: He believes in
manufacturing, which we obviously believe in, and he’s got
some ideas there that work. We disagree with the way he
wants to go at immigration. But his regional ideas –
we’ve got lots of businesses in the regions that are
struggling; I think it’s a good idea. Taking care of
places where– Forestry’s another one. I think we’ve
left that neglected for too long. So there are lots of
places where there’s points of contact.
OK. Bill, what
do you think could be one of the most significant things
that New Zealand First could do for the
economy?
Rosenberg: Well, I think New Zealand First does
have a relatively long-term view of changing the direction
of the economy, which is positive and important, and it also
has some quite positive policies in there of wages, pushing
up the minimum wage and dealing with the problem of a lot of
people of casual employment. So there are some things there
that are obviously quite close to what both Labour and the
Greens are talking about. And I think, actually, after nine
years of a government that has been very focused on business
and on reducing government spending, we actually need to
move much more to looking after the direct needs of people
in New Zealand. And Kim’s talked about that, about the
need for people, and businesses are starting to recognise
that. You have an economy where a whole lot of people are
missing out, where we’re neglecting the environment, then,
actually, the economy won’t function well. But, more
importantly, the reason for an economy, which is for people
to raise their welfare, their wellbeing, is getting lost,
and I think that needs to be the change in focus.
OK, you
mentioned wages — I want to talk about that in a minute
— but I want to give Abbie a change to identify what she
thinks could be the thing that Winston Peters and New
Zealand First brings to the economy.
Reynolds: Oh, look,
it might be a bit of a fantasy, but what we would really
love him to be able to do is to take that really long-term
perspective and build some really cross-party coalition—
long-term coalition around what the climate change plan is
— how they’re going to work with business to figure out
what our pathway is to being a net-zero economy and how
quickly we can do that. And, I think echoing what these guys
have both said about what are we going to do around making
sure that no Kiwis get left behind — that’s really
important to our membership.
OK, well, let’s talk about
wages, then, because that is one thing that you’ve raised,
Bill. Winston Peters does want to raise the minimum wage to
$20 from $15.75. How realistic is that, Kim?
Campbell:
Why don’t we make it 30? I mean, it’s pick a number. You
need to match the growth in wages with other things in the
economy.
So you think that’s unrealistic?
Campbell:
I think $20 is fine, provided we can raise— you know,
people that lose their jobs — think about this. And
you’ve also got to think about if you put everybody up
25%, what happens to the people who are already on $20 an
hour, and the ratcheting effect that is going to
have.
So, you actually think people would lose their jobs
from that, because there is conflicting evidence about
whether raising wages causes job losses.
Campbell: Well,
it depends on where and who— it depends where you are in
the economy, what you’re doing. There’s no law that says
you can’t pay people more money, and we’ve been quite
vocal about this, saying, ‘Look, the minimum is the
absolute rock-bottom.’
But this would be a law telling
you, ‘You have to pay people $20.’
Campbell: Our
instincts are ‘let the market decide that.’ So we’re
not disagreeing on the what, we’re disagreeing on the
how.
OK, so, Bill, what do you think? $20 an hour is his
ambition. Do you think that that is realistic, or will it
cost us jobs?
Rosenberg: I think it’s ambitious, but
it’s also realistic. The international evidence on rises
in the minimum wage areconverging into the very clear view
that it causes minimal employment effects.
Campbell: Yes,
but we’re the highest in the world here.
Rosenberg: And
we’ve had some of the lowest unemployment in the world
with some of those high minimum wages, so it’s case in
point. But I think also the other way to look at rises in
wages is that it actually provides an incentive to employers
to raise productivity, and one of the big problems that New
Zealand has is very poor productivity —absolute
productivity and very poor rises in productivity, and some
stimulus from sensible wage rises, I think, would really
help with that. One of the problems with the minimum wage is
that it only affects the people right at the bottom, and I
conducted a study of this just recently — there’s kind
of a hollowing out in the middle there. The next 50% are not
getting anything like those wage rises, nothing like what
the top 10% are getting. So we actually need to do more than
simply raise the minimum wage.
Spread it through. Your
members, Abbie, one of the things that they have identified
as one of their biggest concerns isthat people are being
left behind. Wages are one of things that you could do to
make sure that doesn’t happen, but the other thing is that
Winston Peters says he would lower the company tax rate to
enable this to happen. Is that a realistic trade off? Could
you do it without that?
Reynolds: Look, I think my
members will all be in different places on this. What I can
say, though, is that a lot of them have taken steps to raise
their minimum wage to about $18.50, because they think
that’s the wage that allows the people who work for them
to live with dignity, so there is a real drive from leading
businesses to say ‘What is it we need to be paying people
so they can live well?’ So, I think leading businesses are
really clear that they need to look after their people well,
so how we transition to what the right minimum wage is will
be a really important part of the conversation.
Well,
Kim, he is saying lower the tax rate to about 25c. That
would, some people say, carve out $1 billion of revenue. Can
we afford that?
Campbell: Well, you may
find—
Because that’s infrastructure, health,
education, isn’t it?
Campbell: Well, the counter facts
are maybe that actually, at that lower tax rate, it’ll
attract greater investment and the tax tape will stay the
same or actually go up.
So, you’d like to see
that?
Campbell: Because remember, we’re competing.
Always think about competition.
Yes.
Campbell: Who
else? What are the tax rates elsewhere in the world? And
they are round about that level, so I would argue — stay
competitive. Just the same with the wages. The fact is,
people aren’t paying enough, find their organisations
hollowed out, people leave and get better jobs. And also to
Bill’s point, in a way, by raising the wages, you may get
greater productivity because people will automate. The sums
become better to buy a robot and have people working for
you, so the question then arises — what is the economy
going to do to respond to this in terms of either looking
after the people that aren’t working because of robots or
other things that we’re doing that give them work to do.
And it’s a real issue that we need to deal with as a
community. But the fact is, as the wages go up, it becomes
much more attractive to put in automated equipment.
All
right. Bill, a recent economic forecast from ANZ and Cameron
Bagrie said that we've reached peak tourism, peak
immigration, peak construction. Do you think we're there yet
and we're about to head down the other side?
Rosenberg:
Well, people have speculated about peak immigration for
several years now. Treasury forecasts always say it's going
to fall. It hasn't. So that's speculation. I would hate to
see it being peak construction, because there's so much more
to do there. And peak immigration? Again, I think this is
speculation. We do have significant environmental problems
that have to be solved if we continue to increase tourism at
the pace we're currently doing it. But if I can just come
back to what Kim was saying, the threat of automation, I
think, is a very rare one. And even in the United States,
full automation is very rare. What may occur is we may get
firms buying better machines, get better processes,
involving workers more in decision making, so we actually
get better processes there. What we need to have
accompanying that is much better support from the government
to help people through those changes, and we need to have
government that actually supports the development of new,
high-value industry, taking advantage of opportunities like
climate change to actually change the direction of the
economy to high value.
What about immigration in all of
this? Because some industries are crying out for more people
—physical people on the ground. So Winston Peters — we
all know very clearly what his position is on immigration,
so what would you message from the people you represent be
to Winston Peters about that? He'd like to knock it back to
around 10,000 people a year.
Reynolds: Look, I don't
think my members are going to have a particularly aligned
point of view on immigration. I think a lot of them are
probably employing people from overseas. But, equally, what
this record low unemployment is meaning for my members is
that we're all having to think about the talent pools that
we're not currently recruiting inside New Zealand. So we've
got work we're doing around how our members can target the
most excluded and disadvantaged young people. So there are
these really interesting tensions which are starting to
emerge. I think the interesting thing about automation is
we're in this great acceleration; part of our challenge as a
nation is that there is no more business as usual, and we're
not really thinking about how fast these changes are going
to happen for us, how we get legal and regulatory resilience
for the change that's coming. I mean, I'm thinking about
climate change; we're also thinking about automation. How
quickly is that stuff going to turn up for us, and how do we
get ready for it? And that's going to require a really
long-term strategic point of view.
Kim, what would your
message be to Winston Peters and the parties that need his
support? What's your message around immigration to
him?
Campbell: I'm going to say to him, look, Winston
doesn't want to be the man that took the bottles away from
the party. And the fact is, this party is going to come to a
very sharp, grinding halt if he does 10,000 people. I think
everyone agrees with some kind of calibration—
So do
you think whoever goes into government with him should not
bend on this?
Campbell: What they should do is say,
'Winston, we hear what you say, but let's have a look at the
harsh reality on the ground.' Because in this election
there's been more smoke and mirrors than anything about
immigration. Look at the numbers. We've got 30,000 Kiwis
coming home, and they're bringing their brides from wherever
they've been, or husbands. So it's in the numbers and the
detail. What is important is that we get the key people we
need to recalibrate our economy, to do all the things to
remain competitive. And whatever the number is, it lands
where it is. So one of the reasons why we've done so well is
we've had a very flexible workforce, we've had great
relationships with the workforce across the country, for the
most part. We've now got an immigration system that works
and responds, and I believe that will continue. And I think
Winston understands that. So I think you're going to find
some common ground. Cos nobody—
You think he's going to
weaken his position on that?
Campbell: I think he'll
adapt it to make sense, so the economy can grow.
We're
running out of time, but I quickly want to address this,
because the EMA would like a national infrastructure group
that sits outside of government to stop political
horse-trading and to come up with some more kind of
long-term plans, and that kind of aligns with your thinking
around climate change. Do you all think that is realistic
— that people will put aside their political leanings and
work together in a group like that?
Campbell: Absolutely.
Why? Because these investments, all of us are making them.
And they are very large, big-ticket items. They affect us
all. And once you've decided you're going to do it — and I
think everyone agrees we need to invest in infrastructure
— for the environment, for tourism, for everything — and
so the only way to do that is by procuring it in a
professional way and having a system that actually responds
in a way that isn't wasteful.
But, Abbie, doesn't that
mean people give away their point of difference — they
sacrifice their point of difference? The Greens, for
example, because that's their political
position.
Reynolds: Look, I think — and my members are
very clear with me — that what they're looking for from
this government is cross-party working on climate change,
and a really key part of how we're going to deliver a
low-emissions economy is how we do infrastructure. So it's
really clear in our members' minds that actually that's what
we need. And if we don't go there, what's the future of our
nation going to look like?
Bill, do you think it's
realistic?
Rosenberg: It might be for certain parts of
infrastructure. I would hate to see it if it's simply
another way to bring in more and more PPPs and privatisation
of that infrastructure. But I think it is true that a lot of
what we call infrastructure is actually quite political, in
the sense that you have to make priority decisions. One part
of infrastructure is rebuilding some of our hospitals.
That's a decision that was one of the points of difference
in the election. And I think those issues have to be
debated. Whether or not we put money into roads or into
better public transport — all those kinds of things, they
are inherently political, in the sense that, as a society,
we have to make priority decisions on them.
OK. We're
almost out of time. Just a quick answer from you all —
will we have a government by the 12th of October.
Kim?
Campbell: Probably.
Abbie?
Reynolds:
Probably.
Bill?
Rosenberg: I doubt it.
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