Nepal: Role of social forces and media at grassroots level

Nepal: Role of social forces and media at grassroots level

Mohan Nepali, Lecturer (Mass Communication and Journalism)

Kathmandu: October 11, 2013

Political and socio-economic transformation of the Nepal society are the principal agenda of the peace process to conclude which a new constitution needs to be drafted through the most inclusive Constituent Assembly elected independently. Confused are the masses on why the major political forces rarely debate on the substantive components of the would-be constitution. They have started their 2nd Constituent Assembly elections—the 1st one failed to draft a new constitution even during four years due to quarrels attributable to parties’ psycho-cultural settings—declared for November 19, 2013. Their media and public campaigns reflect that they are fighting for parliamentary elections to form a government instead of the 2nd Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution as per the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed between the state and the former Maoist rebels on November 21, 2006. Since the central leaderships of parties seem quite concentrated on obtaining power—ignoring change agenda—the local forces, close to grassroots people, have a vital role in sensitizing them towards conflict transformation. Hence the need of active role of social forces at local levels.

Social forces even determine technologies. It would be illogical to believe that technologies automatically determine the level of human intelligence and wisdom. No doubt, technologies are great tools for achieving goals. But it takes human mind to make the best use of them. It is the human intention and effort that shape up the culture of using technologies for this or that purpose. Technologies in themselves are not good or bad. They are the tools created by human beings. The intention grown up in the human mind is a chief determinant. This is the major reason why the Buddha emphasized so much on managing and mastering one’s own mind rather than blaming others for all kinds of sufferings. This has proved true because ill-intentions fuel up evil actions that breed bad consequences from which mankind suffers.

In the context of Nepal’s peace process, the role of social forces is very instrumental for implementing peace agenda at grassroots levels. This is something the Nepali society as a whole must heed to cater to the needs of multidimensional changes through the vision of conflict transformation. However, the mindset of the Nepali society across Nepal does not appear to have properly nurtured to institutionalize and reinforce the documented changes. The mass media do have a remarkable role in persuading people to clarify their orientation towards better changes rather than mere consumerism.

Seeking a higher role of local schools, clubs, consumer groups, libraries and many other local community institutions in institutionalizing changes through conflict management would definitely be a democratic approach. This is something not happening very vividly in Nepal. The former insurgents mobilized rural masses at the time of civil war (1996-2006). But it appears now that they played this mobilizational role for their war purposes. Similarly, other political forces that had confined themselves to Kathmandu residences during the civil war appear not to have mobilized rural masses for institutionalizing changes despite their wide accessibility to rural masses at present. It has been noticed that their heavier concentration is on countering the former rebels through media campaigns in which non-transparency is still a major problem.

Nongovernmental forces operating on foreign donations are not completely apolitical. The activists and motivators involved therein are also either activists or lobbyists serving this or that political party. As human beings are ‘political animals’ in the words of Aristotle, it is natural for them have some faith in a political ideology. But misusing foreign-donated money to run trade unions, women’s organizations, student unions, youth associations and so on is neither a healthy democratic approach nor in favor of national sovereignty and independence. This trend of operating political organizations through foreign donations mainly intended for the have-nots is against the peace-through-justice concept.

There are many ethnic forces in Nepal. The existing monolithic rulers are interested in mobilizing them as order bearers, not as decision-makers. The ethnic forces’ demand for equality, freedom, and fraternity is in conformity with the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and subsequent human rights treaties. However, the way ethnic groups have been handling their politics is likely to dismantle their own unity and network capacity. It is felt that they have already fallen into divide-and-rule traps. They are mistakenly trying to institutionalize racism in the name of their equal rights. Equal rights are the matters to be guaranteed in the constitution, policies and other documents in consonance with their translation into action. Ethnic communities are not to multiply contradictions but to transform the existing ones into productive achievements. Not broadened on it yet, ethnic minds are yet to combat their own psycho-semantic communication barriers to see a broader horizon of changes.

Local institutions in villages and districts in Nepal have a more challenging role to mobilize their local young generations towards better changes. Currently, smoking, drug addictions, alcoholism and gambling have become growing problems among the rural youths, especially those influenced by the sex trade-oriented entertainment media.

Local dialogues and critical debates on political and socio-economic issues are too rare at present. The community media at local levels, though unclear about their own vision and orientation, could at least consider these burning issues for mediation. They have a tremendous potential to provide a platform for local voices, which can be input for central thinkers. Along with the growing number of local FM stations, print media and online portals in district headquarters, the flow of qualitative information geared towards critical and analytical debates is still a lacking factor. Media policymakers and operational leaders have this homework in the main.

Should local forces intend to utilize local media for conflict management through peaceful dialogues and debates, this should be considered very positive and optimistic.

ends

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