Alliance stance on the Singapore-NZ CER
Alliance stance on the proposed Singapore-NZ Closer Economic Partnership
September 2000
Spokesperson
Jim
Anderton
The Singapore-NZ Closer Economic Partnership
The Alliance response to the proposed
Singapore-NZ CEP focuses on two broad issues.
First, the
contribution the proposed agreement would make to ensuring
that trading arrangements contribute to improved standards
of living and improved standards of environmental
protection.
Second, the extent to which the sovereign
ability of New Zealand is retained, enabling New Zealanders
to make laws in its own economic, social, cultural and
environmental interest.
Fair Trade
"We cannot reduce tariffs only for the benefits to accrue to the stronger partner. Integration that causes destructive movements of capital, skills or labour defeats our purposes. Balanced development and equitable trade relationships must be our watchwords."
- Nelson Mandela, speech to the World Economic Forum, Harare, 21 May 1997.
The Alliance supports
fair trade.
The Alliance recognises that New Zealand is a
trading nation, and that the exchange of goods and services
with other nations helps to create jobs, rising income
levels and development we need.
The Alliance fully
supports, and believes the Government should facilitate
however it can, trade and investment that increases
employment, raises incomes and boosts development, provided
arrangements are not environmentally destructive.
Trade
with other nations will not necessarily bring unequivocal
benefits, however, where other nations have a competitive
advantage based on exploitation of workers or the
environment.
For example, New Zealanders support a free
trade agreement with Australia because we recognise that
Australia has a very similar economy and social structure to
ours. In particular, Australia features a similar minimum
wage, social security services, democratic government, rule
of law and environmental protections.
Free trade with a
country such as Australia needs to be contrasted with free
trade with the hypothetical example of a country that has no
minimum wage or social security; that exploits workers in
the tradeables sector; or that exploits the environment
destructively. Singapore is not in the latter category.
However, the contrast between a near-optimal trade
opportunity, such as CER, and a negative hypothetical
example provides a template for analysing proposed trade
agreements, including the proposed Singapore-NZ
CEP.
International trade arrangements should be based on
trade advantages in areas other than labour costs, social
security or the environment.
If the only way a nation can
gain an advantage is by imposing exploitative wages and
employment conditions, or by destroying the natural
environment, then the gains of trade can be more than wiped
out.
The Alliance believes trade arrangements should be
organised to lift trading nations and their citizens up,
rather than to impose a ‘race to the bottom.’
The
Alliance supports trade policies that make the strongest
possible contribution to New Zealand's development.
Agreements that can contribute to a reduced standard of
living for many New Zealanders, or to destruction of the
environment, undermine, rather than contribute to, New
Zealand's economic development.
Positive outcomes are
usually claimed by the supporters of free trade. The
Alliance believes that positive outcomes can be ensured by
stipulating them as conditions of agreements, rather than
leaving them to chance, or the market, lest they become
merely the results of failed experiments.
In practice
this would mean building in to both bilateral and
multilateral agreements provision for improvement in minimum
standards – for example, the development of a minimum wage
standard and its steady improvement; or the use of
environmental measurements and a commitment to improve
environmental outcomes.
If trade and investment
agreements deliver the gains that are claimed, then such
conditions would impose no more than very low monitoring
costs.
The Alliance believes it is particularly important
to include minimum employment and environmental standards in
the Singapore agreement when it is being regarded by many of
its proponents as a model to be applied to other
countries.
Sovereignty
The Alliance believes that as a
sovereign country New Zealand should retain as much control
as possible over its own economic, social, environmental and
cultural destiny.
The proposed agreement restricts the
ability of a future government of New Zealand to make laws
protecting New Zealand’s economic sovereignty.
Alliance
policy on overseas investment supports investment that is in
the national interest, for example, because it helps to
create jobs, introduce new technology or boost exports
without negative environmental effects. However, the
Alliance does not support investment that is simply the
purchase of existing assets where that entails the loss of
jobs, the withdrawal of technology of the destruction of the
environment.
It is possible that at some time a
Government of New Zealand may wish to introduce laws
enacting protections to sovereignty, such as national
interest criteria. For example, pose the question, how much
of New Zealand would we think it was too much to sell? We
have been relatively relaxed about the sale of the first few
thousand hectares and the first 60% of all publicly-listed
companies. However it is possible to imagine that New
Zealanders may be more protective of the sale of the last
square inch of New Zealand to an overseas owner, or the last
share in the last public company. In that case, it may be
that a future government may wish to restrict, rather than
to maintain or liberalise further overseas investment rules.
The proposed CEP with Singapore makes it virtually
impossible to lower investment thresholds from current
levels for Singaporean investors. Another example is that it
is unlikely to be possible to introduce local broadcast
content quotas, for example, that favour New Zealand
content, New Zealand producers or New Zealand artists over
Singaporean content, producers and artists.
The heavily
reduced ability to regulate investment flows in the national
interest is particularly important because of the strategic
position that Singapore occupies. Singapore is an
internationally renowned transit point for international
investment. Under the proposed CEP, it will be relatively
easy for investment to be directed via a Singaporean
base.
Many proponents of the proposed agreement see its
main feature as being tactical: The agreement is a device to
kick-start a regional free trade and investment process.
The use of bilateral agreements designed to expand into
regional agreements has gathered pace since the collapse of
the Multilateral Agreement on Investment. One of the main
reasons that the MAI foundered was that it threatened to
reduce the ability of sovereign nations to regulate for
their own economic, social, cultural and environmental
protection. The expanded use of agreements such as the
proposed Singapore-NZ CEP revives the same
possibilities.
It is inevitable that there will always be
some trade-off between the desire to protect our own
sovereignty, and our desire to influence the conduct of
other nations. For example, we sign international agreements
renouncing torture in exchange for an undertaking from other
countries similarly to restrain themselves from barbarism.
The Alliance believes, however, that there is a very
important distinction to be made between participating in
international agreements designed to improve the level of
human rights across all countries on the one hand, and on
the other hand granting foreign citizens the same rights as
citizens of New Zealand to unlimited commerce on our own
shores.
Constitutional position
It is unusual for
members of a government to publicly oppose a trade agreement
prior to signing. However, we are following historical
precedent and the mechanisms specifically agreed to by the
Labour-Alliance Coalition Government for dealing with
coalition differences.
In 1932, the British National
Government Cabinet ‘agreed to differ’ on the issue of
tariffs, allowing Ministers of one party to speak and vote
in the Commons against a tariffs bill proposed by a Minister
from another party.
In 1975, Prime Minister Harold Wilson
explicitly permitted opponents of the European Common Market
to campaign against it from within the Cabinet.
New
Zealand's procedures for dealing with such differences have
been carefully developed since MMP was introduced, and the
Alliance believes stable mechanisms are in place. Although
in 1932 the ‘agreement to differ’ was viewed as
constitutionally controversial, all modern constitutional
scholars now accept it is permissible. See for example,
Geoffrey Marshall (Constitutional Conventions: The Rules and
Forms of Political Accountability, revised ed., Oxford
University Press, 1986, page 57):
“Perhaps the principle
(of Cabinet unanimity) in its entirety is a matter for the
Cabinet and the Prime Minister between them to apply or not
as they wish.”
For New Zealand, the Labour-Alliance
Coalition Government put in place a mechanism for
differentiation by agreement back in December 1999. Cabinet
has since explicitly agreed on a process for dealing with
the proposed Treaty.
Coalition partners will follow
carefully agreed processes. The proposed agreement will be
put to a Select Committee for public discussion and comment.
Following that, it will be brought to the House for full
debate. There will be a vote in the House on the
matter.
Once the vote is taken, the Alliance will accept
the decision of the House. This means that if the House
votes in favour of the treaty, the Alliance will not use its
special position to frustrate the decision of the majority
of Parliament.
In formal terms, it is the Cabinet, and
not the House, which accepts international obligations and
treaties. However, the Alliance has long campaigned that
Parliament's views should be predominant in the acceptance
of international treaties, because of the enormous
significance of such treaties on New Zealand domestic
law.
Although not formally binding, therefore, in
practical terms for this proposed agreement, the House's
vote will settle the issue. The Alliance believes it is
inconceivable that the Cabinet would ratify the Treaty
against the wishes of the House.
Conclusion
Cabinet has
agreed that the proposed Singapore-NZ CEP agreement will be
referred to a parliamentary select committee and public
submissions on it will be invited. The agreement will then
be the subject of a vote in the House.
The Alliance will
be voting against the agreement when it comes before
Parliament because the Alliance believes the agreement
should incorporate measures to improve the standard of
living of New Zealanders and to protect the environment, as
well as making provision for the protection of New Zealand's
economic sovereignty.
The Alliance will respect the
outcome of the Parliamentary
vote.