How was capitalism established in Aotearoa and Australia?
How was capitalism established in Aotearoa and Australia?
This article is part of
Fightback's "What is Capitalism" series, to be collected in
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A state can be
defined as a monopoly on violence: “a human community that
(successfully) claims the monopoly of the legitimate use
of physical force within a given territory.”1 For Marxist geographer David Harvey,
“accumulation by dispossession [is] the hallmark of what
capital is really about.”2 Put simply, a ruling class must
establish sole control over land and resources.
So what
was necessary to establish a capitalist state Australia and
Aotearoa?
Firstly, the bloody dispossession of land from
indigenous peoples, and secondly the importation of European
labourers. While this colonisation by Great Britain is a
common thread between Australia and Aotearoa, it also played
out differently in each country, so this piece will be
broken into two brief sections, before a conclusion.
This
article cannot represent the complexity of indigenous
knowledge and struggle. This is a tauiwi(non- Māori)
perspective, intended to explain the motor of colonisation.
If you want to engage with indigenous knowledge and history,
scholars such as Moana Jackson, Ani Mikaere, Leonie Pihama,
Ranginui Walker, and Gary Foley are
recommended.
Aotearoa
In the 19th
century, Britain was rent with economic crisis. Colonisation
served two useful purposes: claiming new raw materials, and
exporting surplus labour (workers without work). This was
justified through race theory, which portrayed indigenous
people as inferior.
However, direct Crown intervention in
Aotearoa was expensive. Until the late 1830s, unofficial
actors – missionaries, traders and explorers – moved
ahead of the Crown. The Crown only became directly involved
when they developed a scheme of selling land in the colonies
to prospective settlers, thereby funding colonisation.
To
establish capitalism, the Crown had to transform the
relationship between people and the land. Whereas iwi
and hapu (Māori kinship groups) lived
collectively off the land, capitalism required that the
majority be separated from the land, forced to live off
meagre wages (a process that had first been carried out with
the dispossession of European peasants). That required
systematically depriving iwi of their
land.
Initially, a fraudulent Treaty was intended to
establish the basis for Crown and settler ownership (with
later struggles demanding that the Treaty be honoured). From
1840 to 1870, the Crown and settlers engaged in “rampant
expropriation” of the land, as well as setting up a
political infrastructure (with parliament established in
1854 on the British model). This colonisation drive led
inevitably to the Land Wars, as iwi were not keen to
part with their land.
Māori were initially excluded from
production, driven onto ‘unproductive’ land. Wage labour
was mainly provided by European settlers, until urbanisation
in the 20th century led to more Māori joining the urban
workforce – 8% of Māori lived in ‘defined urban
areas’ in 1926, compared to 41.1% by 1996.3 By the late 20th century, urban and
rural Māori would combine forces in leading a new wave of
resistance.
Australia
Infamously,
Australia’s colonisation began in 1788 with a penal colony
in New South Wales. As with Aotearoa, European labour – in
this case, initially, convict labour – was imported.
Exploitation of convicts was brutal:
“In April 1798 an
Irish convict who worked in a gang in Toongabbee threw down
his hoe and gave three cheers for liberty. He was rushed off
to the magistrate, then tied up in the field where his
‘delusions’ had first overwhelmed him, and flogged so
that his fellow-Irishmen might ponder of the consequences of
challenging the English supremacy.”
This brutally
exploitative system lived alongside the collectivist society
of the Aborigines for many decades, with tensions often
flaring up. Although antipathy grew between Aborigines and
settlers, Aborigines expressed sympathy at times with the
brutal conditions faced by exploited convicts:
“At the
same time the Aborigines began to evince disgust and hatred
for some features of the white man’s civilisation. When a
convict was detected stealing tackle from an Aboriginal
women in 1791, Phillip decided to have him flogged in the
presence of the Aborigines to prove that the white man’s
justice benefited blacks as well as whites. All the
Aborigines displayed strong abhorrence of the punishment and
sympathy with the sufferer. They shed tears, and one of the
picked up a stick and menaced the flagellator.”4
In the 1820s and 1830s, Australia
began to shift from its origins as a penal colony towards
becoming an agricultural hub, with ‘free’ wage labourers
increasingly imported from Britain. Throughout the 19th
century, the settler population grew, as did appropriation
of land – resisted by Aborigines. As in Aotearoa, military
conflict was necessary for the Crown to take control, with
frontier wars breaking out from first arrival right through
to the early 20th century. Estimates indicate at least
20,000 Aborigines were killed in the frontier wars, and
about 2,000 settlers. In 1901, Britain’s existing colonies
federated into a single capitalist nation-state: the
Commonwealth of Australia.
Essentially, the capitalist
state was imposed through the barrel of a
gun.
Postscript: Is there hope?
This
conclusion is focused on Aotearoa, due to my greater
familiarity.
Waitangi settlements in total make up about
$1.6 billion, compared to about $20 billion annual national
income.5 This is woefully inadequate. As
private appropriation of land was the basis of colonisation,
only a radical redistribution of land and resources can
address indigenous dispossession.
Constitutional lawyer
Moana Jackson recently led a project consulting Māori on
“Constitutional Transformation.” Supported by iwi
(tribes), but independent of the Crown, the working group
conducted 252 hui (discussions) between 2012 and
2015. The report stressed the need for a balance between
rangatiratanga (Māori self-governance) and
kāwanatanga (Pākehā self-governance).6 However, the report focused on the
rangatiratanga side: the question of kāwanatanga (Pākehā
governance) remains open. Ultimately, Constitutional
Transformation requires that not just Māori but Pākehā
take responsibility for transforming society. To quote Donna
Awatere’s Māori Sovereignty:
Set against our
people has been the united strength of white people. The
Māori now seeks to break that unity in the interests of
justice for the Māori people... Gramsci’s concept of
hegemonic consciousness has relevance to Māori sovereignty.
In hegemonic consciousness, a class puts its interests with
other classes at a national level and establishes alliances
with them. These alliances are necessary because changes
cannot occur with the Māori on our own. White people have
cut across class barriers to unite on the basis of white
hegemony... To overcome this requires a restructuring of the
white alliance.
Awatere ultimately despaired of this
restructuring of white alliance occurring, advocated
withdrawal from Pākehā left spaces, and later joined the
political right. As a mainly tauiwi group, Fightback seeks
to break the ‘white alliance.’ This is a cross-class
alliance that leads white workers to believe they benefit
from colonisation. In a sense this is true: Pākehā are
less likely to be arrested, less likely to be imprisoned,
and likely to be higher paid.
However, by supporting rich
right-wing politicians, white workers ultimately vote
against their own interests. Infamously, Don Brash’s
‘Orewa speech’ against ‘race-based funding’ saw a
surge in polls, particularly pronounced among manual
workers. As revealed by Nicky Hager’s Hollow Men,
this speech was a cynical ploy by a politician who sought to
deepen the neoliberal revolution, which would undermine the
conditions of his blue-collar supporters. Whiteness is
corrosive to working-class liberation. Standing with Māori
for collective self-determination would ultimately free
Pākehā workers from a system that exploits all. Nobody’s
free until everybody’s free.
To end on an optimistic
note. During the Māori renaissance of the 1970s, as Māori
resisted attempts to sell Māori-owned land at Bastion
Point, the Auckland Trades Council placed a ‘Green Ban’
on construction at Bastion Point. Union members were not to
participate in any Crown/settler-led construction on this
site. Members of the Communist Party of New Zealand won the
Trades Council to this position. Memories like this are the
heritage we need to build on.
1Max Weber, Politics as a
Vocation
2David Harvey, Private Appropriation and
Common Wealth, Seventeen Contradictions and the End of
Capitalism
3Evan Poata-Smith, The Political Economy
of Inequality Between Māori and Pakeha, The Political
Economy of New Zealand (Brian Roper ed)
4Manning Clark, A Short History of
Australia
5Bruce Anderson, Chapter 32:
Redistribution, A New Place to Standhttps://itstimetojump.com/32-redistribution/
6THE REPORT OF MATIKE MAI AOTEAROA - THE
INDEPENDENT WORKING GROUP ON CONSTITUTIONAL TRANSFORMATION,
http://www.converge.org.nz/pma/MatikeMaiAotearoaReport.pdf