Conference on Security and Cooperation in the Middle East
Conference on Security and Cooperation in the Middle
East
by Rene Wadlow
In a 26 June 2018
address to the United Nations Security Council, Antonio
Guterres, the Secretary-General, reviewed the conflict
situations in the Middle East - its profound divisions,
troubling currents and the tragic shredding of its diverse
religious, ethnic and cultural fabric. As he noted "In
Syria, civilians have borne a litany of atrocities or more
than seven years of conflict: sieges, starvation,
indiscriminate attacks, the use of chemical weapons, exile
and forced displacement, sexual violence, torture, detention
and enforced disappearances." He called for renewed
support for his Special Envoy, Staffan de Mistura, on the
Syrian conflict and possible Geneva
meetings.
Likewise, he called for support for the UN Special Envoy to Yemen, Martin Griffiths. What was new in the Secreatary-General's presentation was to highlight the Helsinki process as a possible for the Middle East. He said "During the Cold War, ideological rivals found ways to talk and cooperate despite their deep divides, for example through the Helsinki process. I do not see why countries of the region cannot find a similar platform to come together, drawing experience from one another and enhancing opportunities for possible political, environmental, socio-economic or security cooperation."
The Association of World Citizens has for a good number of years proposed a Conference for Security and Cooperation in the Middle East with full recognition of all States in the region with steps toward a Middle East Common Market and cooperation on water issues. Such a Middle East Conference is based on the Helsinki Conference of 1973 -1975.
When the first phase of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe concluded in Helsinki in July 1973, some saw that seeds to end the Cold War had been planted, but that these seeds would have to be watered and carefully protected. The Helsinki Final Act was still unwritten and even the issues to be discussed had not yet been set out beyond a rather general and vague sentiment that military security and military confidence-building steps were important.
The negotiators moved to Geneva, Switzerland and discussed from 18 September until the eve of the Summit to be again held in Helsinki on 1 August 1975. As midnight of the deadline for agreeing on the text of the Helsinki Final Act was approaching, the clock in the meeting room was stopped so that the text could be finalized in the agreed time.
There were diplomats from three groups of States: the Western States, the Soviet Union and its allies, the four neutral States and Yugoslavia as "non-aligned". The contribution of the neutral States and of non-governmental organizations is what is lacking in the Middle East case.
The four neutrals: Finland, Sweden, Switzerland, and Austria were all "Western" by their value system and had multi-party forms of government, but they were not part of one of the two military alliances. Moreover, all four neutral States had a well-trained diplomatic corps which had participated in difficult negotiations before. They played a mediating role but also championed their own causes. Thus Switzerland pushed the concept of a OSCE Court that could deal with the judicial settlement of disputes. The Court of Conciliation and Arbitration, though little used, is now located in Geneva.
Geneva also had a good number of representatives
of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) who had
consultative status with the United Nations and were
concerned with arms control, human rights, conflict
resolution and international trade agreements. While there
was no formal structure for NGO contributions, through the
U.N. there was access to diplomats of the countries
involved. Two teaching colleagues of mine at the Graduate
Institute of International and Development Studies in
Geneva, Jean Siotis and Victor-Yves Ghebali have written
good accounts of the Geneva negotiations drawn largely from
interviews and the vast number of working papers that were
exchanged.(1)
Some seeds for a Middle East version of the
Helsinki process were planted but have not yet sprouted. The
1975 Helsinki Final Act ha a chapter entitled "Questions
relating to security and cooperation in the Mediterranean."
The link between security in Europe and the Mediterranean has been formalized starting in 1994 with the Mediterranean Partners for Co-operation: Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan, Israel. It is theoretically possible for leadership from these six States to propose an enlargement. Libya and Lebanon can also be considered "Mediterranean". One could also start with a totally new process - inspired by the example of the Helsinki process but with no organic link.
The neutrals and Yugoslavia, in
different ways, played important roles in the Helsinki
process. There may be hidden visionaries in the Middle East
who could give a start to such a process. Alas, for the
moment their voices are mute.
Note
1) See Victor-Yves Ghebali. La diplomatie de la
détente. La CSCE d'Helsinki à Vienne (1973-1989)
(Bruxelles; Bruylant Editors,
1989)