A Princess in Thailand Cannot Become Prime Minister
Thailand's junta-appointed Election
Commission
disqualified a princess from running for prime
minister in next
month's polls, after her surprise
candidacy displeased her powerful
brother King Maha
Vajiralongkorn and dangerously divided this country.
"All
members of the royal family must abide by the king's
principle of
staying above politics, maintaining
political impartiality, and they
cannot take up political
office," the commission said February 11.
The
coup-installed military government meanwhile was
investigating an
allegedly forged official document which
appeared on social media
claiming Prime Minister Prayuth
Chan-ocha fired Army Chief Gen. Apirat
Kongsompong and
other armed forces officers.
"Rumors. We are
investigating. Fake news," Mr. Prayuth told
reporters
February 11, referring to the alleged document
which sparked Twitter
to trend #coup all night February
10.
Tanks rumbling through Lopburi city's streets tried to
calm the public
by pasting pieces of paper saying "For
Training" on the tanks' metal
sides.
Princess
Ubolratana Mahidol's failed election attempt would
have
challenged Mr. Prayuth who is trying to extend his
prime ministry in
the House of Representatives election
March 24, after nearly five
years in power.
The
commission approved Mr. Prayuth and all other prime
ministerial
candidates February 11.
The fate of the new
Thai Raksa Chart party which had nominated the
princess
remains to be decided. The party said it was "accepting
the
royal command with loyalty toward His Majesty," after
the king
expressed displeasure.
Princess Ubolratana's
anti-junta supporters experienced only one day
of
euphoria February 8 when she shocked the public by
announcing her
candidacy.
They were convinced she would
defeat Mr. Prayuth, but their dreams
ended near midnight
the same day.
King Vajiralongkorn announced on all Thai TV
networks that his
sister's involvement in politics
"breaches time-honored royal
traditions, customs and
national culture. Such action must be deemed
a
transgression and most inappropriate.
"Despite the
fact that Princess Ubolratana had relinquished her
title
in writing, in compliance with Palace Laws, she has
been maintaining
her status as a member of the Chakri
Royal Family," the king said
according to a Foreign
Ministry translation.
"The monarch and senior members of
the Royal Family always hold
themselves above
politics."
The unprecedented developments triggered many Thais.
People for and against Princess Ubolratana
expressed devotional
support or harsh condemnation about
her on social media and in private
conversations.
Lined
up against Princess Ubolratana were Mr. Prayuth's
supporters,
royalists, Thailand's so-called "old money"
elite, troops and officers
in the U.S.-trained military,
and Bangkok's middle-class.
Her one-day campaign attracted
Thailand's large pro-democracy movement
including
northeast voters, lower-classes, and a new
generation
demanding free speech and other human rights
which vanished after Mr.
Prayuth's 2014 coup.
Before
the coup, periodic street clashes in Bangkok for and
against
elections killed more than 100 people, mostly
pro-democracy civilians.
As a result of the latest
political turmoil, Thailand is suffering a
"complete
reigniting of the smoldering volcano of political hatred
on
both sides," said Pravit Rojanaphruk, a senior
columnist at Khaosod
English news.
The princess was
perceived as a way for former Prime Minister
Thaksin
Shinawatra to lead his candidates to victory
after the military
overthrew him in a 2006 coup.
The
princess had no political experience. Mr. Thaksin helped set
up
her Thai Raksa Chart party.
"Ubolratana represented
perhaps the only person who could clearly
upstage Prayuth
in the polls, especially since the junta controls
the
election machinery," said Paul Chambers, Paul
Chambers an
international affairs advisor at Naresuan
University.
Mr. Thaksin and his sister, former Prime
Minister Yingluck Shinawatra,
are international fugitives
avoiding prison sentences for corruption
committed during
their administrations. Mr. Prayuth toppled Ms.
Yingluck's
government in his 2014 putsch.
Princess Ubolratana's
election attempt "brought back to the surface
the bitter
enmity between the pro- and anti-Thaksin camps like
nothing
else since the May 2014 coup," Mr. Pravit
said.
Mr. Thaksin still has candidates in his popular Pheu
Thai party,
including three possible prime
ministers.
If Pheu Thai forms a coalition with other
parties, they could dominate
the House.
Against them, after the election, will be a junta-appointed Senate.
Mr.
Prayuth and his new pro-military Palang Pracharath party
could
extend his prime ministry, boosted by the entire
Senate and
pro-military parties in the House.
The House and Senate decide who becomes prime minister.
If he wins,
Mr. Prayuth may be politically crippled by a
frustrated
pro-Thaksin electorate and dissent within the
House.
"Chin up and keep moving forward!" Mr. Thaksin
tweeted after the
king's announcement.
"We learn from
past experiences but live for today and the future.
Cheer
up! Life must go on!" Mr. Thaksin said from an
undisclosed
location.
Princess Ubolratana is the
glamorous, extroverted, eldest daughter of
widely revered
King Bhumibol Adulyadej who died in 2017.
After the royal succession, her younger brother is now king.
Born in 1951,
she studied at the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology
before completing a master's degree in public
health at the University
of California at Los
Angeles.
She relinquished her royal status in 1972 when
she married American
Peter Jensen and lived in the
U.S.
They divorced in 1998. The princess returned to
Thailand with her
three children in 2001, including a son
who drowned in the 2004 Indian
Ocean tsunami.
"I would
like to exercise my right and my freedom as a commoner
under
the constitution," the princess wrote on Instagram
February 8 before
the king disapproved of her
candidacy.
Thailand is a constitutional monarchy. Thais
and foreigners critical
of the royal family suffer
arrest, expensive and debilitating legal
cases, and often
lengthy imprisonment.
Dissidents are meanwhile not pleased
with the way election campaigning
has proceeded.
"The
election [campaign] is not fair, Prayuth has all the
advantages
including full authoritative power and the
support from the army and
civil servants," Kittithat
Sumalnop said in an interview before the
princess became
a one-day candidate.
Mr. Kittithat is a pro-democracy
activist nicknamed "Champ" who was
yanked off a sidewalk
and detained in 2014 one month after the coup,
for
silently reading George Orwell's "1984" in public.
Mr.
Prayuth regarded the reader's symbolic protest as a
dangerous
anti-junta stunt violating the regime's harsh
censorship and
anti-politics laws.
"I was detained by
plainclothes officers, very likely from the
military.
There a no formal punishment, but I was hit many times,
both
on my head and my body with their punches, kicks,
and elbows, to
subdue me and intimidate me," he
said.
He and other detained activists were taken to the
Royal Thai Army's
sports stadium "to be interrogated by
the military. We were there six
hours in total before
they made us sign a contract not to engage in
political
actions again, and released us."
If he is able to stay on
as prime minister, "Prayuth won't have the
full power as
the junta head, and will have to deal with
more
opposition," Mr. Kittithat said.
"If Prayuth wins
through the election 'fairly', i.e. no major cheating
or
harassing the oppositions, the U.S. will welcome him like
other
elected prime ministers. After all, they still
welcome him while he is
a dictator.
"But if Prayuth
decides to play dirty or stay in power through
a
legislative loophole and political deadlock, the U.S.
will treat him
the same way, or maybe worse," Mr.
Kittithat said.
"Pro-democracy activists are disappointed
about the U.S. support, but
they're not going to vote for
Prayuth anyway. The conservative
high-class and
middle-class people who support Prayuth condemn the
U.S.
for their opposition to Prayuth after the coup," when
Barack
Obama was president. "After Trump showed his
support, those people
welcome it. They are going to vote
for him nonetheless," he said.
"In private, even the most
conservative and reactionary politicians
seek support
from the U.S. After all, the U.S. supported them in
the
past during the Cold War against the progressives,
socialists and
communists. Only after the U.S. became a
pro-liberal democracy and
[President George W. Bush]
condemned the 2006 coup, they had a falling
out. Yet they
always hope for the return to normal relations
between
the two countries," Mr. Kittithat said.
"The
most important issue is economy, since it got worse under
the
junta. Another one is democracy and the end of
military rule, which is
only important ideologically.
Ordinary people only care about the
first.
Political-minded people also care about the second.
"Even
the Prayuth-aligned Palang Pracharath party admits that
poor
people are suffering under the junta's rule. Also,
the demand for a
comprehensive welfare state has been
growing from the left-wing
progressives. Prominent
political parties, big and small, are trying
to promote
different degrees of welfare and economic policies,"
Mr.
Kittithat said.
Relations linking Washington and
Bangkok meanwhile appear to be
improving, and the
elections are expected to help.
Thailand's "constitutional
and election framework...is obviously
designed to ensure
continued military leadership," Benjamin
Zawacki,
Southeast Asia analyst and author of "Thailand:
Shifting Ground
Between the U.S. and a Rising China,"
said in an interview before the
princess was
nominated.
"In many respects, the United States needs --
and judging by low
levels of demand and dissent among the
Thai populace, wants -- the
elections more than Thailand
does.
America's ability to fully re-engage with Thailand
hinges on the
polls, and given increasingly pressing
concerns in the region, such
re-engagement is squarely in
the U.S.'s interest.
"In that sense, the U.S. will readily
accept any outcome broadly
within Thailand's new
constitutional and election framework, which is
obviously
designed to ensure continued military leadership.
Whether
the premiership is retained by Prayuth or by
another officer, by a man
in uniform or in mufti, will
matter little to how Thailand is governed
and how its
relations with the U.S. proceed," he said.
"While most
American leadership, President Trump likely
excepted,
would prefer a truly civilian Thai
administration, the Americans won't
press their case if
an election is held.
"So long as some semblance of
campaigning is permitted before March
24, and the polls
themselves do not face direct interference or
violence,
the U.S. will accept them as 'free and
fair'.
"Historically, the Democrat Party is slightly
'closer' to the U.S.
than the others in the race, but
most of those connections have either
lapsed or been
replaced by Thailand's 21st-century embrace of a
more
authoritarian model of governance," Mr. Zawacki
said.
Washington "welcomes the official announcement that
Thailand will hold
elections on March 24," the U.S.
Embassy in Bangkok said in January.
"We look forward to a
result that reflects open debate and the will of
the Thai
people."
President Trump hosted a delighted Mr. Prayuth in the White House in 2017.
For decades, the Pentagon has
trained Thailand's military which is
bleeding in a
stalemate against Muslim Malay-Thai separatist
guerrillas
in the south, where more than 7,000 people have died on
all
sides since 2004.
"We notice a significant drift
towards China in political, military
and economical terms
under the junta," said Arnaud Dubus, author of
several
books on Thai politics.
"A new government headed by
Prayuth would probably extend and
consolidate this drift.
A government under a civilian prime minister
would very
likely try to re-balance the relationships with the
U.S.
and China," Mr. Dubus said in an interview.
The
"political power of the military, improvement of the daily
life of
the people, and fight against corruption across
the board -- not
excluding the military, as is the case
today," are the biggest
election issues, he said.
The
leading opposition Pheu Thai party will reportedly name
three
prime ministerial candidates: Sudarat Keyuraphan,
former transport
minister Chadchart Sittipunt, and former
justice minister Chaikasem
Nitisiri.
"Obviously, the
Pheu Thai is the strongest opponent of political power
of
the military. The stance of the Democrat party is less clear
and
they could probably ally with military if it is
beneficial for them,
as in 2008," Mr. Dubus said before
the princess's candidacy.
"The constitution, the
constituencies' [geographic] drawing, and the
use of
government money and apparatus by the pro-junta party
show
clearly that the elections' format is biased. But
not to the point of
blocking the expression of the choice
of the majority.
"The result will reflect this choice, but
the main problem is the
military-appointed Senate which
will allow a minority government to
lead the country.
Unavoidably, instability will follow," he said.
"If
Prayuth stays as prime minister, I expect political
instability
and a progressive worsening of political
tensions, with a possible
violent crisis in one or two
years.
If Pheu Thai leads the government, there will be
also instability,"
Mr. Dubus said.
Meanwhile the
Democrat Party, trailing a distant second place,
is
keeping its military-friendly former prime minister
Abhisit Vejjajiva
as its sole prime ministerial
candidate.
Mr. Prayuth's military government will announce
election results by
May 9, officials said.
The delay is
to avoid post-election turbulence before
King
Vajiralongkorn's May 4-6 coronation.
A new government should be installed by mid-2019.
"A very
important issue that the parties and candidates have
not
addressed sufficiently is the current serious air
pollution in
Bangkok," Rand Corp. member and former
foreign minister Kantathi
Suphamongkhon said in an
interview.
"It was reported that Bangkok had the ninth
dirtiest air of all the
cities in the world. It was good
that the Thai and international
press are bringing this
vitally important subject up now.
"The air pollution in
Bangkok, especially the abundance of PM 2.5
dust, is
serious and detrimental to people's health both
short-term
and long-term. Political parties and the
government should formulate
comprehensive policy
proposals to effectively tackle this problem
most
urgently," Mr. Kantathi said.
"Can the winning
party govern and maintain the current
non-violent
situation, and will the army -- if it loses
-- really let go of
power?" political analyst Tom
Kruesopon said in an interview.
"I see nothing but more of
the same after this election. This election
is just the
transition election, until the people realize that
the
entire system is badly broken and real changes must
occur," Mr.
Kruesopon said.
***
Richard S. Ehrlich is
a Bangkok-based journalist from San
Francisco,
California, reporting news from Asia since
1978 and winner of Columbia
University's Foreign
Correspondent's Award. He co-authored three
non-fiction
books about Thailand, including "'Hello My Big Big
Honey!'
Love Letters to Bangkok Bar Girls and Their
Revealing Interviews," "60
Stories of Royal Lineage," and
"Chronicle of Thailand: Headline News
Since 1946." Mr.
Ehrlich also contributed to the chapter "Ceremonies
and
Regalia" in a book published in English and Thai titled,
"King
Bhumibol Adulyadej, A Life's Work: Thailand's
Monarchy in
Perspective." Mr. Ehrlich's newest book,
"Sheila Carfenders, Doctor
Mask & President Akimbo"
portrays a 22-year-old American female mental
patient who
is abducted to Asia by her abusive San
Francisco
psychiatrist.
His online sites are:
https://asia-correspondent.tumblr.com
https://www.amazon.com/Hello-Big-Honey-Revealing-Interviews/dp/1717006418
https://www.amazon.com/Sheila-Carfenders-Doctor-President-Akimbo/dp/1973789353/
https://www.facebook.com/SheilaCarfenders