Fortress Europe’s New Migration Pact Evades Legal Obligations
European Union Member States at the Home Affairs Council
agreed on 8 June 2023 on a negotiating position on the New
Pact on Migration and Asylum, initially presented in
September 2020. In particular, a political agreement
was reached on the asylum procedure regulation and the
asylum and migration management regulation that
will form the ground of further negotiations by the Council
presidency with the EU Parliament.
“The
content is still unsettled and changeable; however, from the
developments proposed so far, Member States are visibly
trying to speed up asylum procedures and escape their legal
obligations on asylum and migration,” said Michela
Pugliese, Asylum Researcher at Euro-Med
Monitor.
On both proposals, documents show
that most of the key issues have not yet been decided, and
that complex amendments as well as new concepts have been
introduced. EU lawmakers have promised to conclude the Pact
by February 2024 as part of a “joint roadmap” on
migration agreed upon last September. Discussions on other
measures that are part of the Pact are ongoing, but EU
interior ministers have indicated their intent to finalise
their own negotiating position in the next
weeks.
Here are the latest updates, according to the Council of the EU’s press release of 8 June:
The asylum procedure regulation
(APR) establishes a common procedure that Member
States need to follow when people seek international
protection in Europe, mainly on procedural arrangements (for
example, clear rules for registering and lodging
applications, and a time limit for the examination of
applications and border procedures) and rules on the rights
and duties of asylum seekers (e.g. access to legal
assistance and interpretation, adequate support to
individuals in need of special guarantees, rules on the
right to stay and appeals, and an applicant’s duty to
cooperate with the competent authorities).
The APR
introduces mandatory border procedures at
the EU’s external borders, with the aim to assess
quickly—i.e. within 12 to 16 weeks—whether applications
are unfounded or inadmissible, and prevent the applicant
from entering the State’s territory in the meantime. This
stricter procedure is applicable to almost every
asylum seeker, as it is triggered in each of these
cases: following apprehension in connection with an illegal
border crossing; following disembarkation after a search and
rescue (SAR) operation; if a person has provided authorities
with false information or withheld information; or has a
nationality with a recognition rate below 20%.
To carry
out border procedures, Member States must establish
“adequate capacity” in terms of reception and
human resources required to examine an identified
number of applications and enforce return decisions, based
on the State’s share of irregular entries and
disembarkations after SAR. The fact that this mechanism
establishes an annual ceiling may cause a race to
the bottom, with States declaring a lower
“adequate capacity” in order to process fewer people in
border procedures and trying to reduce the number of both
arrivals and SAR disembarkations, possibly through more
pushbacks.
Especially problematic is the proposed
location of these border procedures, which would serve to
prevent entry into EU territory. Asylum
seekers would be transferred “to a specific location at or
in proximity of the external border of the concerned Member
State, or in other designated locations within its territory
where appropriate facilities exist” prior to the
examination of their application. The APR explicitly states
that Member States should retain discretion in
selecting the specific locations at which such
facilities should be placed, and notify the European
Commission of the exact locations, opening the additional
possibility of using these spots to examine applications
which are not subject to the border procedure. The question
as to whether NGOs and civil society groups will be able to
know the specific locations as well, to monitor the human
rights situation and authorities’ compliance with legal
obligations, remains unanswered.
In line with
hastening asylum procedures, the APR proposal foresees that
if a person subsequently claims asylum “at the
last minute merely in order to delay or frustrate his or her
removal”, they should not be authorised to
remain; that Member States can provide that the
personal interviews as well as hearings before tribunals of
first instance be held via video conference; and
that a return decision can be issued as part of the
rejection of the application for international
protection (a declaration of inadmissible,
unfounded, or withdrawn). The proposal also states that,
when applying the border procedure, Member States may
prioritise the examination of applications of
certain third country nationals for which there is a high
probability of return to their country of origin, a
third country deemed safe by EU authorities, or a first
country of asylum.
In accelerating the examination
of cases and reducing the burden on competent authorities,
these policies would end up seriously curtailing asylum
seekers’ and migrants’ rights, discouraging their
willingness to seek asylum and regularise themselves, and
rendering the overall asylum procedure rougher, more
superficial, and less humane. For instance, on the duties of
the asylum seeker, the APR states that competent authorities
should take biometric data upon the making or registration
of an application for international protection and transmit
the data in accordance with the regulation, adding that,
if the person refuses to provide their biometric
data, they should not be allowed to lodge an
application.
The asylum and
migration management regulation (AMMR) should
replace the current Dublin III regulation
determining the Member State responsible for the examination
of an asylum application, but the new proposal would likely
effect minimal change—both in relation to the
right to freedom of movement of migrants and asylum seekers,
and to migratory pressure on frontline States in the
Mediterranean region. The original document had
proposed that the first State in which an asylum application
is registered shall be responsible for examining it,
replacing the current restrictive rule of first state of
entry. Yet the new proposal adds that, notwithstanding this,
where it is established that a person has been disembarked
on the territory of a Member State following a SAR
operation, that State shall be responsible for examining the
asylum claim for up to 12 months after disembarkation.
Consequently, the situation of these States, including
Greece, Italy, and Spain, will not change much. In this
regard, the AMMR also aims at reducing absconding
and avoiding “unauthorised” secondary movements between
States.
Time limits will change and
the possibility of carrying out Dublin transfers
will presumably be facilitated and extended without
consideration for the willingness of asylum seekers to
decide where to seek asylum and build a life for themselves,
or if they wish to remain where they have already been
living for months. For instance, failure to make the take
back notification within the time limit won’t affect the
obligation of the Member State responsible for taking back
the person concerned. Similarly, the time limit may be
extended up to a maximum of one year if the transfer cannot
be carried out due to imprisonment of the person concerned,
or up to a maximum of three years if the person concerned
absconds. In addition to this, the AMMR provides for an
exchange of information between States
relevant for the examination of an asylum application,
also without the applicant’s
consent.
A new solidarity
mechanism, the so-called “solidarity pool”, is
being proposed to support the few Member States that are
responsible for reviewing the vast majority of asylum
applications—through individual contributions that include
relocations of both asylum seekers and refugees recognised
less than three years before, direct financial
contributions, and deployment of resources or personnel. It
is unclear to what extent this new mechanism will be
made mandatory, as the proposal envisages that only
in certain unspecified circumstances, in order to provide
sufficient predictability for the benefitting States, the
application of contributing States becomes obligatory.
Similarly, EU countries that will become benefitting Member
States are not obliged to implement their pledged solidarity
contributions. Moreover, as it is explicit that no State
will ever be obliged to carry out relocations, the proposal
provides for responsibility offsets to compensate for a
possibly insufficient number of pledged relocations—for
instance, taking responsibility for the examination of
asylum claims for another Member State in
need.
According to the new AMMR proposal, the
Commission should adopt a European Migration Management
Report to annually assess the situation along all migratory
routes and in all Member States, and issue a recommendation
regarding the “solidarity pool” that identifies any
needs and measures necessary to address States’ individual
migratory situations. The proposal identifies the annual
numbers at EU level for relocations (set to at least 30,000)
and direct financial contributions (at least EUR 600
million).
The proposal takes into great
consideration relations with third countries, which
is in line with the EU’s desire to externalise its asylum
obligations and prevent departures. The AMMR
foresees a High-Level EU Migration Forum for all Member
States and third countries that have agreed with the Union
on the criteria and mechanisms for establishing a State’s
responsiblity for examining asylum requests lodged in either
that State or that third country. Allegedly, these third
countries can be invited to participate for the purpose of
contributing to solidarity on an ad hoc basis. Though the
form of contribution they can provide to EU States is not
specified, it is notable that if the Commission and the
Council deem a third country to be not sufficiently
cooperative on readmissions, they should take “appropriate
actions”.
“The proposals include exemptions,
arbitrariness on the solidarity measures pledged by Member
States, and accelerated, approximate, and rough asylum
procedures directly at the borders that will prevent people
[who have] just arrived and are probably traumatised from
having the proper time and place to process their own story
and request protection,” stated Pugliese, the Euro-Med
Monitor asylum researcher.
Pugliese added that the
discretion demanded of States surrounding the specific
locations where asylum seekers subjected to border
procedures will be transferred should be of great concern.
She expressed alarm over the fact that “almost everyone
may be subjected to these faster and rougher border
procedures, and that a return decision can be issued
together with the rejection of the application for
international protection”.
“These examples
prove how far the political agreements reached by EU
interior ministers step away from a modern and sustainable
asylum and migration framework,” Pugliese explained,
“and closer to a normalised system of the usual
criminalisation and invisibilisation of migrants and asylum
seekers.”
ENDS
The Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor is a Geneva-based indepenent organisation with regional offices across the MENA region and Europe.